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The article is based on the analysis of selected EU legal acts, literature on the subject and official websites of the European Union. The article aims to present the consumer – a citizen of the European Union and his role as a subject of consumer policy. The article analyses the concepts of consumer and European Union citizen and indicates the elements of their convergence. The idea of the European Citizens’ Initiative was characterised as one of the forms of participation of EU citizens in the process of establishing consumer rights. In particular, was made a detailed analysis of initiatives in the „consumers and health” category, as an element of the participation of European Union citizens in creating consumer policy.

The study aims to examine the EU attitude towards secession resulted from the rise of nationalism at the sub-state level by focusing on the rising of nationalist secessionist tendencies in the sub-state nations, namely the cases of Catalonia and Scotland. The study relies on the comparative case study approach, which helps to observe, describe, and interpret different statuses through its application to specific models. This study depends on reviewing the diverse literature, EU treaties, documents, and political statements regarding the secession of sub-state nations. Also, this study contributes significantly to stress on the differences between the two case studies and presents an important analysis of the EU attitude towards the nationalist calls for secession in both cases. This study seeks to clarify that the EU response towards the secessionist cases of Scotland and Catalonia differs based on the situation of each case, which represents a challenge to the EU attitude while dealing with the sub-state nations

This paper has analysed some aspects of the EU’s global policy. Both formal-legal and political aspects of the EU’s legal-international subjectivity are highlighted. EU global policy issues are linked to integration models and concepts and analysed in terms of the new intergovernmentalism, policy networks and external governance. Finally, the implications of this strategy and the lessons for EU and Member State foreign policy are drawn.

The crises of recent years have revealed the weakness of the European Union in many areas. This, in turn, contributed to the debate on its current state and necessary changes, inter alia, at the Conference on the Future of Europe. And although there are many arguments for the need for reforms, among other things, in order for the Union to better cope with challenges both internally and in its external environment, no Intergovernmental Conference has been convened so far. However, this does not mean that reform is impossible or unlikely, nor does it mean that there are no changes taking place in the European Union. The article will present the positions of institutions, member states and civil society regarding the necessary changes, and, above all, it will outline the directions of necessary and possible changes. The article will be descriptive, analytical, and comparative in nature.

This article aims to prove the hypothesis that the European Union has become a subsidiarily independent entity, with a hybrid character that combines supra‑national, supra-state and national (state) elements. This makes member states and their parliamentary representations occupy an autonomous position in the EU power system, creating and implementing their own functions and interests. The article was prepared based on neo-functionalist, but also neo-realist premises. Both of these paradigms are present in the theory of representation, which distinguishes representation of national parliaments as acting “on behalf of someone” and representation as acting “on its own behalf ”. For this reason, the article substantiates its author’s belief that national parliaments in the European Union act in a hybrid manner, not least because they simultaneously represent their states (governments) and the EU institutions, but also themselves as autonomous and independent subjects of EU power.

The policy of relocating production in the EU is a response to the challenges faced by the global economy. It is also an action in which the EU is trying to respond to the policy of its main economic competitors, i.e., the USA and China. The diagnoses suggest the need for regulators to take action. Therefore, countries are competing to implement measures that are supposed to increase the level of supply security and eliminate possible future disruptions, especially in areas that are considered the most sensitive. The aim of the article is to identify the extent to which EU policy may affect the relocation of production in the EU, and thus the shape of value chains, in the context of increased political uncertainty as a result of the US-China rivalry. This article argues that the EU’s policy of relocating production is aimed at diversifying and increasing the resilience of supply chains by favouring the location of production in the Member States. However, the instruments used by the EU are not fully adequate for the problems that have arisen.

The paper examines the efforts to enhance regional cooperation in the Western Balkans and how this has increased engagement between the EU and the Western Balkans. The regional initiatives are more present when the European Union (EU) shows little interest in the Western Balkans region. However, these efforts have yet to address all the concerns adequately and have not brought to life tangible results despite many political declarations. One of the most commented initiatives, like the Open Balkans, has caused concern in the region and caused tension between Kosovo and Albania over the past few years. The paper enlightens the challenges of regional cooperation during the last years, the contribution of this process in the integration process, and the role played by Albania. Also, the paper tries to analyze the success and failures of the \"Open Balkan\" initiative and the Regional Common Market. Furthermore, the paper framework examined the progress of regional cooperation initiatives and the region's attention to the European integration process. Additionally, the paper seeks to determine whether regional cooperation is a viable alternative for the region or merely an external-driven initiative and the role of the EU in promoting regional cooperation

The author of the article addresses the issue of strategic autonomy of the European Union. He points out the origin of the term in French defence policy and its further evolution into the open strategic autonomy within the European Union. The author then analyses the development of the various elements of the EU Space Strategy, and consequently attempts to answer the question of whether and to what extent, in light of past experience, the European Union, is able to become autonomous in the field of its activity in space. The author concludes that the European Union does not, as yet, have the full capacity to develop its competence in space security and defence on its own. Meanwhile, Europe should both as the EU and NATO significantly expand its strategic space capabilities with the goal of moving closer to becoming an equal partner, but not a rival, to the United States. It should become fully independent of a self-isolating Russia, and ensure its autonomy from new Asian space powers like China and India. Unlike Russia, this does not preclude cooperation in the scientific field or the prudent use and provision of commercial services.

The Czech Republic has been a member of the European Union since 2004. Accession was decided by the country’s citizens in a referendum in 2003, with more than 77% of voters approving of this move in international politics. Over time, the Czech public’s assessment of the European Union and its actions has become increasingly critical, which has become apparent in opinion polls. The number of those dissatisfied with the functioning of the EU at the turn of the first decade even exceeded the number of those satisfied. The Czechs were positive about the EU’s environmental, security or cultural activities, while they were negative about the euro and its possible introduction from around 2009. The reasons for this can be traced to important international events that were also noticeable in the Czech Republic (financial crisis of 2008-2010, migration crisis, COVID-19 pandemic). A feature of the country is also the relatively sceptical attitude of political parties towards European integration, which was also significant.

Drawing on the external incentives model (EIM), this paper maintains that unlike the favourable conditions for Europeanization between 1999 and 2005, the higher adoption costs, diminished credibility of the EU’s promise and threat, reduced size and speed of accession and problems concerning the determinacy of conditions created a setting that was conducive to the de-Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy after 2006. It then argues that in this de-Europeanized environment, the July 2016 coup attempt in Turkey acted as a catalyst in the shift of Turkish policy regarding Greece, leading to deterioration in the relations. Drawing on documentary analysis supplemented by semi-structured interviews with experts and taking the July 16 coup as a milestone, this paper contributes to the literature on the de-Europeanization of Turkish foreign policy and how that affected Turkey’s relations with Greece.