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\"Participation in the global economy can contribute to growth and development, but as the recent financial crisis demonstrated, such participation can also threaten employment, wages and labour standards. This volume examines the role that collective bargaining plays in ensuring that participation in the global economy is balanced, fair and just. Collective bargaining is often seen as either an impediment to the smooth functioning of markets, or as ineffective. This volume focuses on the other side of the story and demonstrates the positive contribution that collective bargaining can make to both economic and social goals. No one size fits all and the various contributions examine how this fundamental principle and right at work is realized in different country settings and how its practice can be reinforced across borders. The volume also highlights the numerous challenges in this regard and the critically important role that governments play in rebalancing bargaining power in a global economy.\" (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku); Contents: Susan Hayter: Introduction (1-19); Steffen Lehndorff, Thomas Haipeter: Negotiating employment security: Innovations and derogations (20-46); Sangheon Lee, Deirdre McCann: Negotiating working time in fragmented labour markets: Realizing the promise of 'regulated flexibility' (47-75); Jason Heyes, Helen Rainbird: Bargaining for training: Converging or diverging interests? (76-106); Fathi Fakhfakh, Virginie Pérotin, Andrew Robinson: Workplace change and productivity: Does employee voice make a difference? (107-135); Susan Hayter, Bradley Weinberg: Mind the gap: Collective bargaining and wage inequality (136-186); Gerhard Reinecke, Maria Elena Valenzuela: Illustrating the gap: Collective bargaining and income distribution in Chile (187-204); Chang Lee, Mingwei Liu: Collective bargaining in transition: Measuring the effects of collective voice in China (205-226); Franz Traxler, Bernd Brandl: The economic impact of collective bargaining coverage (227-253); Richard Freeman: New roles for unions and collective bargaining post the implosion of Wall Street capitalism (254-276); Konstantinos Papadakis: Globalizing industrial relations: What role for international framework agreements? (277-315). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Forschungsmethode: anwendungsorientiert; empirisch. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1990 bis 2009.

We live in a time of interrelated crises. Economic inequality and precarity, and crises of democracy, climate change, and more raise significant challenges for legal scholarship and thought. \"Neoliberal\" premises undergird many fields of law and have helped authorize policies and practices that reaffirm the inequities of the current era. In particular, market efficiency, neutrality, and formal equality have rendered key kinds of power invisible, and generated a skepticism of democratic politics. The result of these presumptions is what we call the \"Twentieth-Century Synthesis\": a pervasive view of law that encases \"the market\" from claims of justice and conceals it from analyses of power. This Feature offers a framework for identifying and critiquing the Twentieth-Century Synthesis. This is also a framework for a new \"law-and-political-economy approach\" to legal scholarship. We hope to help amplify and catalyze scholarship and pedagogy that place themes of power, equality, and democracy at the center of legal scholarship.

To what extent does the anointing of the Pentecostal prophets provide a meaningful way of responding to poverty in an unjust economic context? Using Zimbabwe as a case study, this article critically evaluates the growing reliance on the anointing of the Pentecostal prophets by many poor people as a way of responding to their economic poverty. The practice is considered to provide miraculous power to pave the way for a desired economic outcome. The article highlights that many people turn to the anointing of Pentecostal prophets as a form of spiritualised activism against unjust economic forces in the country. The article proposes that rather than anointing, seeking justice should be the adopted means of responding to unjust economic systems. It examines aspects that should inform the church’s quest for economic justice. Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This study relates to the disciplines of systematic theology, public theology and sociology of religion by calling on Christians to allow other disciplines to inform their desire to eradicate poverty.

A sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) tax in Mexico has been effective in reducing consumption of SSBs, with larger decreases for low-income households. The health and financial effects across socioeconomic groups are important considerations for policy-makers. From a societal perspective, we assessed the potential cost-effectiveness, health gains, and financial impacts by socioeconomic position (SEP) of a 20% SSB tax for Australia. Australia-specific price elasticities were used to predict decreases in SSB consumption for each Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas (SEIFA) quintile. Changes in body mass index (BMI) were based on SSB consumption, BMI from the Australian Health Survey 2011-12, and energy balance equations. Markov cohort models were used to estimate the health impact for the Australian population, taking into account obesity-related diseases. Health-adjusted life years (HALYs) gained, healthcare costs saved, and out-of-pocket costs were estimated for each SEIFA quintile. Loss of economic welfare was calculated as the amount of deadweight loss in excess of taxation revenue. A 20% SSB tax would lead to HALY gains of 175,300 (95% CI: 68,700; 277,800) and healthcare cost savings of AU$1,733 million (m) (95% CI: $650m; $2,744m) over the lifetime of the population, with 49.5% of the total health gains accruing to the 2 lowest quintiles. We estimated the increase in annual expenditure on SSBs to be AU$35.40/capita (0.54% of expenditure on food and non-alcoholic drinks) in the lowest SEIFA quintile, a difference of AU$3.80/capita (0.32%) compared to the highest quintile. Annual tax revenue was estimated at AU$642.9m (95% CI: $348.2m; $1,117.2m). The main limitations of this study, as with all simulation models, is that the results represent only the best estimate of a potential effect in the absence of stronger direct evidence. This study demonstrates that from a 20% tax on SSBs, the most HALYs gained and healthcare costs saved would accrue to the most disadvantaged quintiles in Australia. Whilst those in more disadvantaged areas would pay more SSB tax, the difference between areas is small. The equity of the tax could be further improved if the tax revenue were used to fund initiatives benefiting those with greater disadvantage.

The environmental justice literature convincingly shows that poor people and minorities live in more polluted neighborhoods than do other groups. These findings have sparked a broad activist movement, numerous local lawsuits, and several federal policy reforms. Despite the importance of environmental justice, the topic has received little attention from economists. And yet, economists have much to contribute, as several explanations for the correlation between pollution and marginalized citizens rely on market mechanisms. Understanding the role of these mechanisms is crucial to designing policy remedies, for each lends itself to a different interpretation to the locus of injustices. Moreover, the different mechanisms have varied implications for the efficacy of policy responses-and who gains and loses from them. In the first book-length examination of environmental justice from the perspective of economics, a cast of top contributors evaluates why underprivileged citizens are overexposed to toxic environments and what policy can do to help. While the text engages economic methods, it is written for an interdisciplinary audience.

Over the past decade, abolitionist feminist and evangelical Christian activists have directed increasing attention toward the “traffic in women” as a dangerous manifestation of global gender inequalities. Despite renowned disagreements around the politics of sex and gender, these groups have come together to advocate for harsher penalties against traffickers, prostitutes’ customers, and nations deemed to be taking insufficient steps to stem the flow of trafficked women. In this essay, I argue that what has served to unite this coalition of “strange bedfellows” is not simply an underlying commitment to conservative ideals of sexuality, as previous commentators have offered, but an equally significant commitment to carceral paradigms of justice and to militarized humanitarianism as the preeminent mode of engagement by the state. I draw upon my ongoing ethnographic research with feminist and evangelical antitrafficking movement leaders to argue that the alliance that has been so efficacious in framing contemporary antitrafficking politics is the product of two historically unique and intersecting trends: a rightward shift on the part of many mainstream feminists and other secular liberals away from a redistributive model of justice and toward a politics of incarceration, coincident with a leftward sweep on the part of many younger evangelicals toward a globally oriented social justice theology. In the final section of this essay, I consider the resilience of these trends given a newly installed and more progressive Obama administration, positing that they are likely to continue even as the terrain of militarized humanitarian action shifts in accordance with new sets of geopolitical interests.

The existing reviews and meta-analyses addressing unequal exposure of environmental hazards on certain populations have focused on several environmental pollutants or on the siting of hazardous facilities. This review updates and contributes to the environmental inequality literature by focusing on ambient criteria air pollutants (including NO x ), by evaluating studies related to inequality by socioeconomic status (as opposed to race/ethnicity) and by providing a more global perspective. Overall, most North American studies have shown that areas where low-socioeconomic-status (SES) communities dwell experience higher concentrations of criteria air pollutants, while European research has been mixed. Research from Asia, Africa, and other parts of the world has shown a general trend similar to that of North America, but research in these parts of the world is limited.