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Objective: to identify institutional mechanisms for the implementation of industrial policy strategies and measures of the People’s Republic of China by influencing the country’s banking sector.Methods: qualitative methods, the method of historicism, comparison, generalization.Results: institutional mechanisms were identified that facilitate the involvement of the Chinese banking sector in the implementation of strategies, programs and measures of China’s industrial policy. In developing industrial policy directions, the Chinese leadership mostly relies on measures to stimulate the development of strategically important industries through the provision of various benefits, subsidies, and easier access to bank loans. The institutional mechanisms of the Chinese government’s influence on commercial banks’ decisions on granting loans to priority industries are built in the logic of the Leninist-type party; it is the real center of strategic decision-making for the country’s socio-economic and political development. It implements its vision of development strategies through formal and informal institutions of party control over political and economic institutions.Scientific novelty: the institutional mechanisms of influence of the PRC state and party institutions on the country’s banking sector are identified. The research shows that the system of regulation of the banking sector in the People’s Republic of China and the activities of its largest banks includes a mechanism of party influence, where bank managers simultaneously occupy key positions in party structures.Practical significance: the findings are useful for teaching courses on institutional economics, regional studies and industrial policy, as well as for adapting the Chinese experience to the Russian economy in the face of sanctions.

One of the core assumptions of recent American foreign policy is that China's post-1978 policy of \"reform and openness\" will lead to political liberalization. This book challenges that assumption and the general relationship between economic liberalization and democratization. Moreover, it analyzes the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization on Chinese labor politics.

Rapidly changing relative energy prices (R.E.P.) have put pressure on global markets all over the world. Even economic factors must have a high degree of self-sufficiency related to the R.E.P. and increasing consumption and its production costs in consumer sectors of China. This research is based on R.E.P. impact on the industrial energy consumption (E.C.) of the Chinese economy. The key dependent and independent variables employed for this purpose were R.E.P.s, consumption price index (C.P.I.), inflation expenses, and so on. The R-square test between R.E.P.s and industrial consumption sectors (C.S.), f-statistical analysis, graphical analysis, and a summary of the Model and its analysis were utilised for this aim. Results run from the P.L.S. software and data collected from the World Bank, and world indicators also collect data from different websites. Data form is secondary and is based-on frequency panel data for 1990 to 2019. Results concluded that the impact of R.E.P.s is fast growing on the E.C. of China and is positively related with the consumer prices index. The contribution of this research is the comprehensive review of the existing and potential markets and services. The assistance can be mainly found in the study on the distribution network reliability service. The change in energy policies considering the different countries must be highly changing on imported energy which occurs high self-sufficiently. This examination of R.E.P.s and index relates to China. The results indicate a significant impact between industry E.C. and R.E.P.s. Therefore, this research is more reliable due to the literature and enhances the knowledge related to the study of relative consumption energy prices in energy industries.

Literature on organizational politics (OP), normally focuses on the individual and team levels. Relatively less research has been undertaken to understand how OP at the firm-level is developed; this is particularly so in the context of the transitional economy of China where OP is very prevalent with the practice of guanxi. Therefore, applying the grounded theory analysis, we carried out in-depth interviews that generated 1,132 coding items which were categorized into 328 secondary concepts. Our study eventually leads to a theoretical model to provide a holistic and contextual understanding of OP. The analyses identify antecedents to OP and factors impacting the links (power structure, interest structure, guanxi structure, political motivation, political ability, and political context), among which guanxi structure and political motivation are novel findings as for the Chinese setting, and the functional mechanisms of OP (motivation, evaluation, selection, and conditions), which offer a dynamic perspective to how OP works.

After four decades of reform and development, China is confronting a domestic waste crisis. As the world's largest waste-generating nation, the World Economic Forum projects that by 2030, the volume of household waste in China will be double that of the United States. Starting in the early 2000s, Chinese policymakers came to see waste management as an object of environmental governance central to the creation of \"modern\" cities, and experimented with the circular economy, in which technology and policy could convert all forms of waste back into resources. Based on long-term research in Guangzhou, Circular Ecologies critically analyzes the implementation of technologies and infrastructures to modernize a mega-city's waste management system, and the grassroots ecological politics that emerged in response. In Guangzhou, waste's transformation revealed uncomfortable truths about China's environmental governance: a preference for technology over labor, the aestheticization of order, and the expropriation of value in service of an ecological vision. Amy Zhang argues that in post-reform China, waste—the material vestige of decades of growth and increasing consumption—is a systemic irritant that troubles China's technocratic governance. Waste provoked an unlikely coalition of urban communities, from the middle class to precarious migrant workers, that came to constitute a nascent, bottom-up environmental politics, and offers a model for conceptualizing ecological action under authoritarian conditions.

Before markets opened in 1978, China was an impoverished planned economy governed by a Maoist bureaucracy. In just three decades it evolved into the world's second-largest economy and is today guided by highly entrepreneurial bureaucrats. InHow China Escaped the Poverty Trap, Yuen Yuen Ang explains this astonishing metamorphosis. Rather than insist that either strong institutions of good governance foster markets or that growth enables good governance, Ang lays out a new, dynamic framework for understanding development broadly. Successful development, she contends, is a coevolutionary process in which markets and governments mutually adapt. By mapping this coevolution, Ang reveals a startling conclusion: poor and weak countries can escape the poverty trap by first harnessing weak institutions-features that defy norms of good governance-to build markets. Further, she stresses that adaptive processes, though essential for development, do not automatically occur. Highlighting three universal roadblocks to adaptation, Ang identifies how Chinese reformers crafted enabling conditions for effective improvisation. How China Escaped the Poverty Trapoffers the most complete synthesis to date of the numerous interacting forces that have shaped China's dramatic makeover and the problems it faces today. Looking beyond China, Ang also traces the coevolutionary sequence of development in late medieval Europe, antebellum United States, and contemporary Nigeria, and finds surprising parallels among these otherwise disparate cases. Indispensable to all who care about development, this groundbreaking book challenges the convention of linear thinking and points to an alternative path out of poverty traps.

This paper conducts a meta-regression analysis of 319 estimates from 76 empirical studies that quantify the unexplained component of hukou-based relative wage gaps in China. On average, the reported unexplained relative hukou wage gap across studies is 10.6%. We investigate how methodological and data-related choices influence the heterogeneity in reported estimates. Our findings show that studies using administrative data tend to report smaller unexplained gaps, and estimates appear to depend on the dimension of hukou being considered, as studies focusing on the urban-rural hukou dimension produce larger estimates. Estimates derived from Oaxaca-Blinder-Kitagawa methods are significantly larger than those using simple dummy variable regressions. The use of monthly wages leads to an underestimation of the gap, and that omitting controls for health status and industry systematically biases estimates downward. Tests for publication bias reveal no systematic reporting bias but consistent evidence of a genuine positive effect, confirming a significant underlying unexplained hukou-based wage gap. Overall, this study highlights how empirical choices shape the evidence base on hukou-related inequality and underscores the structural nature of wage disparities in China's labour market.

The time-varying factor share runs through the entire process of the Chinese economic miracle, unlike the 'Kaldor Facts' in developed countries. Following the new structural economics theory, we construct a time-varying elastic production function model that characterises the structural changes of China's economic element, and decompose the driving force of economic growth to measure the contribution of factor structure. We found that, from 1978-2017, the average contribution of capital, labour, technological progress, and factor structure change to the GDP was 67.01%, 10.38%, 23.08%, and −0.47%, respectively. The measurement results can aptly portray the impact of policy changes in China's unique gradual reform process, such as the economic market reforms in 1992, the global financial crisis in 2008, and the policy changes of the new economic normal in 2014. Meanwhile, the results reveal that improving factor allocation can accelerate the total factor productivity and promote high-quality development of China's economy.

When Chinese leaders announced in late 1978 that China would \"open to the outside world,\" they embarked on a strategy for attracting private foreign capital to spur economic development. At the same time, they were concerned about possible negative repercussions of this policy. Margaret Pearson examines government efforts to control the terms of foreign investment between 1979 and 1988 and, more broadly, the abilities of socialist states in general to establish the terms of their own participation in the world economy. Drawing on interviews with Chinese and foreigners involved in joint ventures, Pearson focuses on the years from 1979 through 1988, but she also comments on the fate of the \"open\" policy following the economic retrenchment and political upheavals of the late 1980s. \"Since the policy of `opening' was launched in Beijing in 1979 some Chinese leaders have favoured foreign investment, while others have feared that it would carry ideas and institutions that would corrupt Chinese socialism. This study of Chinese policies toward foreign-invested enterprises (FIFs) during the 1980s broadly charts significant changes in the impact of these competing views on policy. . . . Pearson's overview and analysis provide thought-provoking perspectives. . . . Pearson furnishes excellent evidence that throughout the 1980s the pressure for reform was so great that the conservatives had to retreat repeatedly, despite their concerns about the decline of collectivist values and the Maoist dream.\"--Stanley Lubman, The China Quarterly

The Routledge Handbook of Revolutionary China covers the evolution of Chinese society from the roots of the Republic of China in the early 1900s until the end of the Cultural Revolution in 1976. The chapters in this volume explain aspects of the process of revolution and how people adapted to the demands of the revolutionary situation. Exploring changes in political leadership, as well as transformation in culture, it compares the differences in experiences in urban and rural areas and contrasts rapid changes, such as the war with Japan and Communist 'liberation' with evolutionary developments, such as the gradual redefinition of public space. Taking a comprehensive approach, the themes covered include: War, occupation and liberation Religion and gender Education, cities and travel. This is an essential resource for students and scholars of Modern China, Republican China, Revolutionary China and Chinese Politics.