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11 result(s) for "Education and state South Carolina History 20th century."
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Politics, disability, and education reform in the South : the work of John Eldred Swearingen
\"Fashioned from a vast array of archival sources as well as secondary sources, newspapers, periodicals, family correspondence, and oral interviews, Politics, Disability, and Education Reform in the South: The Work of John Eldred Swearingen analyzes the political and educational contexts during which Swearingen fought to improve educational conditions for African-Americans, women, and the children of millworkers of the Palmetto State as State Superintendent of Education 1907-1922. Blinded in a hunting accident at 13, Swearingen became the first blind student admitted to the University of South Carolina, and became a successful teacher and politician. Fighting for equalized funding and desegregated schools put him in direct opposition with the Ku Klux Klan, the General Education Board, and Governor Coleman Blease. Swearingen's story lends itself to scholars of education and political science, as well as any reader with an interest in the intersections of race, gender, disability, politics and education\"-- Provided by publisher.
A question of justice
Three trailblazers for education reform in the Sunbelt South. In southern politics, 1970 marked a watershed. A group of southern governors entered office that year and changed both the way the nation looked at the South and the way the constituents of those states viewed themselves. Reubin Askew in Florida, John West in South Carolina, Jimmy Carter in Georgia, and Albert Brewer in Alabama all represented a new breed of progressive moderate politician that helped demolish Jim Crow segregation and the dual economies, societies, and educational systems notorious to the Sunbelt South. Historian Gordon Harvey explores the political lives and legacies of three of these governors, examining the conditions that led to such a radical change in political leadership, the effects their legislative agendas had on the identity of their states, and the aftermath of their terms in elected office. A common thread in each governor's agenda was educational reform. Albert Brewer's short term as Alabama governor resulted in a sweeping education package that still stands as the most progressive the state has seen. Reubin Askew, far more outspoken than Brewer, won the Florida gubernatorial election through a campaign that openly promoted desegregation, busing, and tax reform as a means of equal school funding. John West's commitment to a policy of inclusion helped allay fears of both black and white parents and made South Carolina's one of the smoothest transitions to integrated schools. As members of the first generation of New South governors, Brewer, Askew, and West played the role of trailblazers. Their successful assaults on economic and racial injustice in their states were certainly aided by such landmark events as Brown v. Board of Education, the civil rights movement, and the expansion of voting rights-all of which sounded the death knell for the traditional one-party segregated South. But in this critical detailing of their work for justice, we learn how these reform-minded men made education central to their gubernatorial terms and, in doing so, helped redefine the very character of the place they called home.
Wil Lou Gray
In Wil Lou Gray: The Making of a Southern Progressive from New South to New Deal, Mary Macdonald Ogden examines the first fifty years of the life and work of South Carolina's Wil Lou Gray (1883-1984), an uncompromising advocate of public and private programs to improve education, health, citizen participation, and culture in the Palmetto State. Motivated by the southern educational reform crusade, her own excellent education, and the high levels of illiteracy she observed in South Carolina, Gray capitalized on the emergent field of adult education before and after World War I to battle the racism, illiteracy, sexism, and political lethargy commonplace in her native state. As state superintendent of adult schools from 1919 to 1946, one of only two such superintendents in the nation, and through opportunity schools, adult night schools, pilgrimages, and media campaigns--all of which she pioneered--Gray transformed South Carolina's anti-illiteracy campaign from a plan of eradication to a comprehensive program of adult education. Ogden's biography reveals how Gray successfully secured small but meaningful advances for both black and white adults in the face of harsh economic conditions, pervasive white supremacy attitudes, and racial violence. Gray's socially progressive politics brought change in the first decades of the twentieth century. Gray was a refined, sophisticated upper-class South Carolinian who played Canasta, loved tomato aspic, and served meals at the South Carolina Opportunity School on china with cloth napkins. She was also a lifelong Democrat, a passionate supporter of equality of opportunity, a masterful politician, a workaholic, and in her last years a vociferous supporter of government programs such as Medicare and nonprofits such as Planned Parenthood. She had a remarkable grasp of the issues that plagued her state and, with deep faith in the power of government to foster social justice, developed innovative ways to address those problems despite real financial, political, and social barriers to progress. Her life is an example of how one person with bravery, tenacity, and faith in humanity can grasp the power of government to improve society.
Freedom's teacher
In the mid-1950s, Septima Poinsette Clark (1898-1987), a former public school teacher, developed a citizenship training program that enabled thousands of African Americans to register to vote and then to link the power of the ballot to concrete strategies for individual and communal empowerment. In this vibrantly written biography, Katherine Charron demonstrates Clark's crucial role--and the role of many black women teachers--in making education a cornerstone of the twentieth-century freedom struggle. Using Clark's life as a lens, Charron sheds valuable new light on southern black women's activism in national, state, and judicial politics, from the Progressive Era to the civil rights movement and beyond.
Paths Out of Dixie: The Democratization of Authoritarian Enclaves in America's Deep South, 1944-1972
The transformation of the American South--from authoritarian to democratic rule--is the most important political development since World War II. It has re-sorted voters into parties, remapped presidential elections, and helped polarize Congress. Most important, it is the final step in America's democratization.Paths Out of Dixieilluminates this sea change by analyzing the democratization experiences of Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina. Robert Mickey argues that Southern states, from the 1890s until the early 1970s, constituted pockets of authoritarian rule trapped within and sustained by a federal democracy. These enclaves--devoted to cheap agricultural labor and white supremacy--were established by conservative Democrats to protect their careers and clients. From the abolition of the whites-only Democratic primary in 1944 until the national party reforms of the early 1970s, enclaves were battered and destroyed by a series of democratization pressures from inside and outside their borders. Drawing on archival research, Mickey traces how Deep South rulers--dissimilar in their internal conflict and political institutions--varied in their responses to these challenges. Ultimately, enclaves differed in their degree of violence, incorporation of African Americans, and reconciliation of Democrats with the national party. These diverse paths generated political and economic legacies that continue to reverberate today. Focusing on enclave rulers, their governance challenges, and the monumental achievements of their adversaries,Paths Out of Dixieshows how the struggles of the recent past have reshaped the South and, in so doing, America's political development.
Penn Center
The Gullah people of St. Helena Island still relate that their people wanted to \"catch the learning\" after northern abolitionists founded Penn School in 1862, less than six months after the Union army captured the South Carolina sea islands. In this broad history Orville Vernon Burton and Wilbur Cross range across the past 150 years to reacquaint us with the far-reaching impact of a place where many daring and innovative social justice endeavors had their beginnings. Penn Center's earliest incarnation was as a refuge where escaped and liberated enslaved people could obtain formal liberal arts schooling, even as the Civil War raged on sometimes just miles away. Penn Center then earned a place in the history of education by providing agricultural and industrial arts training for African Americans after Reconstruction and through the Jim Crow era, the Great Depression, and two world wars. Later, during the civil rights movement, Penn Center made history as a safe meeting place for organizations like Martin Luther King Jr.'s Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Peace Corps. Today, Penn Center continues to build on its long tradition of leadership in progressive causes. As a social services hub for local residents and as a museum, conference, and education complex, Penn Center is a showcase for activism in such areas as cultural, material, and environmental preservation; economic sustainability; and access to health care and early learning. Here is all of Penn Center's rich past and present, as told through the experiences of its longtime Gullah inhabitants and countless visitors. Including forty-two extraordinary photographs that show Penn as it was and is now, this book recounts Penn Center's many achievements and its many challenges, reflected in the momentous events it both experienced and helped to shape.
Politics, Disability, and Education Reform in the South
Politics, Disability, and Education Reform in the South explores how race, gender, disability, and politics all came together to impact the career of one State Superintendent of Education in South Carolina who fought to improve educational conditions for African-Americans, women, and millworkers' children in South Carolina.
\Hating the Sin but not the Sinner\: A Study About Heterosexism and Religious Experiences Among Black Men
This article explored the religious experiences of nine Black men who are married (to a woman) and have sex with men (BMMSM). These men do not refer to themselves as men on the down low but self-identify as heterosexual. Using data collected in 2005 in South Carolina, the authors examined the complex relationship of homosexuality and the Black Church. Specifically, they examined the notion of coping with same-sex behavior, concealment, and its impact on BMMSM. Findings from the thematic analysis suggest that men found ways to manage their religious traditions and same-sex behaviors. This research presents an opportunity to locate and access a hidden population. The authors found a pervasive experience of growing up in social and family environments that expose them to heterosexism.
Citizenship and Public Schools: Accounting for Racial Inequality in Education in the Pre- and Post-Disfranchisement South
Building on the arguments that public education is a state-provided good and that citizenship rights affect groups' access to state-provided goods, we ask whether an abrupt transformation of U.S. citizenship rights-the disfranchisement of Blacks and many poor Whites in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century South-affected the distribution of public educational opportunities and enrollments. Using county-level data for six southern states in 1890 and 1910, we find that disfranchisement changed the way local governments distributed educational opportunities to Black children and White children and produced greater racial inequalities in school enrollments. After disfranchisement, racial inequalities in educational opportunities were greatest in counties with relatively large Black populations, with relatively strong tax bases, and where the Democratic Party was least challenged. School enrollments of Blacks and Whites were limited by insufficient educational opportunities, suggesting that school expansion in the South was hindered by shortages of educational opportunities; but the limitation for Black children was significantly greater than the limitation experienced by White children.
Schooling for Some: Child Labor and School Enrollment of Black and White Children in the Early Twentieth-Century South
Data from North Carolina and South Carolina in 1910 indicate that racially segregated labor markets and racially unequal school systems affected school enrollment of black children and white children. The textile industry relied heavily on employment of white children, whereas the wood industry relied heavily on black adults, but employed few children of either race. Local governments provided inferior schooling opportunities for blacks. Results indicate that (1) school enrollment of white children was depressed by employment in the textile industry; (2) school enrollment rates for both races were unaffected by employment in the wood industry, probably because of the industry's low reliance on child labor; and (3) school enrollment rates for black children were depressed by inadequate educational opportunities. Findings suggest that industrial employment depressed school enrollment among those children who were potential industrial laborers. We question the assumption that school enrollment expansion in the United States was never constrained by a limited availability of educational opportunities.