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Existing research into the relationship between teaching and research in higher education is mainly normative and atheoretical, resulting in assumptions of a close and beneficial connection between them. We problematise the idea of a nexus by undertaking a critical examination of the concept through the lens of educational ideologies to theorise the changes over time that shape the ways teaching and research are practised. Two hundred seven academic staff in the Humanities and Social Sciences were surveyed in 10 universities in England and Wales; the universities were identified as having strength in teaching, research, or in both. Along with analysis of interviews with senior managers at these universities, findings suggest that systemic forces which separate teaching and research are evident in institutional contexts with implications for the idea of a nexus. While the nexus may exist in theory, in practice, we argue that teaching and research can be pulled in different directions by institutional priorities. Furthermore, in institutions which adopt an enterprise ideology, there are signs of a nascent nexus emerging between research and innovation.

This article introduces the themes and the various contributions to the special issue. It describes the evolution of the overall approach and framework for researching education quality used by the Implementing Education Quality in Low-Income Countries (EdQual) Research Programme Consortium (RPC). The article commences with the background to the RPC including some theoretical starting points. It provides a critique of dominant approaches to researching education quality, namely the human capital and rights based approaches. This provides a basis for setting out the approach and framework adopted by EdQual which is founded on social justice principles. The framework is outlined in relation to three intersecting contexts, namely the policy context, the home/community context of the learner and the context of the school.

En general la educación sexual en la Cuba contemporánea se considera muy progresista. Este artículo se enfoca en tres preguntas fundamentales que hasta ahora no se han estudiado suficientemente en publicaciones académicas. ¿Cómo se originó el programa de educación sexual? ¿Cómo se desarrolló? Y, ¿cómo ha sido implementado? Desde las publicaciones tempranas de la Federación de Mujeres Cubanas hasta el trabajo contemporáneo del Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual, este artículo explica cómo el debate nacional -dentro de un proceso de negociación- ha sido de tremenda importancia en la dramática evolución de la educación sexual en Cuba.

The call to a global education project involves transformations of educational ideologies, policy formulation, systems restructuring, and curriculum reforms that go beyond national/local considerations. While advocates of globalization have identified inherent advantages in these transformations, the paper argues that in terms of the ‘globalism’ of its origins, values, and the standards it advocates in education, there is much that meets the eye. It uses attributes such as the origin of the global ideology, the main agents of global educational decision making, and the proposals of the kind of global history curriculum, to argue that a deeper consideration of these attributes reveals Euro-North America as generators and regulators of ideation while Africa and the Global South in general are forcefully involved consumers to the detriment of national and indigenous education orientations that should be prioritized. The paper concludes that until such times when issues of egalitarianism are considered in its ideation, decision making and flow of knowledge(s) within which Africa and the Global South find representation, globalization of education would continue to be seen as the perpetuation of the entrapment of Africa within the global matrices of power.

This article explores three alternative goals for American education that have been at the root of educational conflicts over the years: democratic equality (schools should focus on preparing citizens), social efficiency (they should focus on training workers), and social mobility (they should prepare individuals to compete for social positions). These goals represent, respectively, the educational perspective of the citizen, the taxpayer, and the consumer. Whereas the first two look on education as a public good, the third sees it as a private good. Historical conflict over these competing visions of education has resulted in a contradictory structure for the educational system that has sharply impaired its effectiveness. More important still has been the growing domination of the social mobility goal, which has reshaped education into a commodity for the purposes of status attainment and has elevated the pursuit of credentials over the acquisition of knowledge. (DIPF/Abstract übernommen)

Discusses the notion of a civic education curriculum that includes controversial political issues to teach about democracy & democratic participation & to encourage political engagement. The controversial nature of teaching students how to engage with hot political issues is first addressed, delineating why there is a general aversion to controversy & the offering of issue-loaded civic education programs. Differences in the kind of participation such classes should encourage are touched on as well as the potential for such programs to be viewed as a form of indoctrination. Four approaches adopted by middle & high school teachers in their decisions to teach to controversial political issues are then considered: denial, privilege, avoidance, & balance. It is concluded that controversy over teaching controversial issues in democratic education programs is viewed as inevitable, but the challenge there can be met if the teacher is prepared & supported by informed administrators & parents. 16 References. J. Zendejas

This article investigates the development of new teaching ideologies in the context of the technocratic ideology of the Cold War. These ideologies did not simply vanish after 1989. The catchwords were \"programmed instruction\" and \"teaching machines\" accompanied by the promise that all students would make efficient learning progress. Although Eastern and Western states fought the Cold War over political ideologies, their teaching ideologies (perhaps surprisingly) converged. This may explain why neither the apparent failure of these educational ideologies nor the end of the Cold War led to the modification of the ideologies themselves, but rather to the modification of devices serving the ideologies.

Just as the world has increasingly been compressed over recent decades through transnationally engaged actors or 'carriers' such as mobile experts, international organisations, and seemingly globalised bodies of knowledge, so have China's politicians and academics increasingly 'gone global' in various fields of social action, including education. China's Open Door policy since the late 1970s is, historically, not the country's first opening to the world but is preceded by earlier phases of opening and closing. Each of these 'global' phases is witness to two interrelated phenomena: the reconstruction of the local through the global; and the reconceptualisation of the global through the local. The article seeks to illustrate this dialectic process both in theory and in practice. The first part unpacks dimensions and paradoxes of the global-local nexus in comparative education, discussing both fruitfulness and shortcomings of the 'world culture theory' and complementary approaches. Based on the insights from this discussion, the second part showcases the local embeddedness of seemingly global paths by revealing how the Chinese educational field dealt with - and appropriated - 'world culture'. I will exemplify this by looking at two different time periods: firstly, I will show how, in the Republican China of the 1920s, the idea of 'vocational education' was taken up, transformed, and meshed with socio-culturally grounded, both traditional and contemporaneous notions of how the individual should be socialised into working life. Secondly, I will trace how the idea of 'neo-liberalism' has been taken up by Chinese educationists since the 1990s and how it has been sinicised to justify - or oppose - equality in education. The insights from these two historical snapshots are two-fold: firstly, the development of Chinese education is not as nationally determined as is suggested by various actors and researchers but emerges at the interface of globally migrating ideas and nationally designed strategies; secondly, 'world culture' - or an educational ideology spreading worldwide - is not as uniform as is suggested by its apparent global ubiquity but is remade by local, if transnationally active agents and networks.

Influential work on oppositional culture explains involuntary minorities' disadvantage as the result of a culture that discourages academic effort by branding it as \"acting white,\" which leads students to resist schooling. Much of this work depicts involuntary minority cultures as internally uniform. This article challenges the oppositional-culture explanation in three important ways: (1) by demonstrating that through the religious tenets and practices of the Nation of Islam (NOI), young female members develop a black achievement ideology, resulting in the adoption of the kind of studious orientation to school that is usually demonstrated by voluntary immigrant groups; (2) by demonstrating the ways in which black people differentially make sense of and enact what it means to be black that challenge previous binary or dichotomized accounts of black oppositional social identity; and (3) by illustrating how resistance for NOI young women is transformative, as well as reproductive, of existing patterns of social, racial, and gender relations. The evidence, from a two-year ethnographic study of female high school students who were in the NOI suggests a systematic reexamination of the oppositional theory and its main suppositions.