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"Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Mexico)"
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Zapatistas
In the early hours of January 1, 1994 a guerrilla army of indigenous Mayan peasants emerged from the highlands and jungle in the far southeast of Mexico and declared \"¡Ya basta!\" - \"Enough!\" - to 500 years of colonialism, racism, exploitation, oppression, and genocide. As elites in Canada, the United States, and Mexico celebrated the coming into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) declared war against this 500 year old trajectory toward oblivion, one that they said was most recently reincarnated in the form of neoliberal capitalist globalization that NAFTA represented. While the Zapatista uprising would have a profound impact upon the socio-political fabric of Chiapas its effects would be felt far beyond the borders of Mexico. At a moment when state-sponsored socialism had all but vanished from the global political landscape and other familiar elements of the left appeared utterly demoralized and defeated in the face of neoliberal capitalism's global ascendance, the Zapatista uprising would spark an unexpected and powerful new wave of radical socio-political action transnationally. Through an exploration of the Zapatista movement's origins, history, structure, aims, political philosophy and practice, and future directions this book provides a critical, comprehensive, and accessible overview of one of the most important rebel groups in recent history.
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Self-Defense in Mexico
In Mexico and across other parts of Latin America local Indigenous peoples have built community policing groups as a means of protection where the state has limited control over, and even complicity in, crime and violence. Luis Hernandez Navarro, a leading Mexican journalist, offers a riveting investigation of these armed self-defense groups that sprang up around the time of the 1994 Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. Available in English for the first time, the book spotlights the intense precarity of everyday life in parts of Mexico. Hernandez Navarro shows how the self-defense response, which now includes wealthier rancher and farmer groups, is being transformed by Mexico's expanding role in the multibillion dollar global drug trade, by foreign corporations' extraction of raw minerals in traditionally Indigenous lands, and by the resulting social changes in local communities. But as Hernandez Navarro acknowledges, self-defense is highly controversial. Community policing may provide citizens with increased agency, but for government officials it can be a dangerous threat to the status quo. Leftists and liberals are wary of how the groups may be linked to paramilitary forces and vulnerable to manipulation by drug traffickers and the government alike. This book answers the urgent call to understand the dangerous complexities of government failures and popular solutions.
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The Marketing of Rebellion
How do a few Third World political movements become global causes célèbres, while most remain isolated? This book rejects dominant views that needy groups readily gain help from selfless nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Instead, they face a Darwinian struggle for scarce resources where support goes to the savviest, not the neediest. Examining Mexico's Zapatista rebels and Nigeria's Ogoni ethnic group, the book draws critical conclusions about social movements, NGOs, and 'global civil society'.
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The Zapatista \Social Netwar\ in Mexico
The information revolution is leading to the rise of network forms of organization in which small, previously isolated groups can communicate, link up, and conduct coordinated joint actions as never before. This in turn is leading to a new mode of conflict--netwar--in which the protagonists depend on using network forms of organization, doctrine, strategy, and technology. Many actors across the spectrum of conflict--from terrorists, guerrillas, and criminals who pose security threats, to social activists who may not--are developing netwar designs and capabilities. The Zapatista movement in Mexico is a seminal case of this. In January 1994, a guerrilla-like insurgency in Chiapas by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), and the Mexican government's response to it, aroused a multitude of civil-society activists associated with human-rights, indigenous-rights, and other types of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to swarm--electronically as well as physically--from the United States, Canada, and elsewhere into Mexico City and Chiapas. There, they linked with Mexican NGOs to voice solidarity with the EZLN's demands and to press for nonviolent change. Thus, what began as a violent insurgency in an isolated region mutated into a nonviolent though no less disruptive social netwar that engaged the attention of activists from far and wide and had nationwide and foreign repercussions for Mexico. This study examines the rise of this social netwar, the information-age behaviors that characterize it (e.g., extensive use of the Internet), its effects on the Mexican military, its implications for Mexico's stability, and its implications for the future occurrence of social netwars elsewhere around the world.
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Understanding the Chiapas Rebellion
To many observers in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Mexico appeared to be a modern nation-state at last assuming an international role through its participation in NAFTA and the OECD (Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development). Then came the Zapatista revolt on New Year’s Day 1994. Wearing ski masks and demanding not power but a new understanding of the indigenous peoples of Mexico, Subcomandante Marcos and his followers launched what may be the first “post” or “counter” modern revolution, one that challenges the very concept of the modern nation-state and its vision of a fully assimilated citizenry. This book offers a new way of understanding the Zapatista conflict as a counteraction to the forces of modernity and globalization that have rendered indigenous peoples virtually invisible throughout the world. Placing the conflict within a broad sociopolitical and historical context, Nicholas Higgins traces the relations between Maya Indians and the Mexican state from the conquest to the present—which reveals a centuries-long contest over the Maya people’s identity and place within Mexico. His incisive analysis of this contest clearly explains how the notions of “modernity” and even of “the state” require the assimilation of indigenous peoples. With this understanding, Higgins argues, the Zapatista uprising becomes neither surprising nor unpredictable, but rather the inevitable outcome of a modernizing program that suppressed the identity and aspirations of the Maya peoples.
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Zapatismo Beyond Borders
Examines how Zapatismo, the political philosophy of the Zapatistas, crossed the regional and national boundaries of the isolated indigenous communities of Chiapas to influence diverse communities of North American activists.
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Returning to revolution
An account of the concept of revolution in the work of Deleuze and Guattari. We are witnessing the return of political revolution. But this is not a return to the classical forms of revolution: the capture of the state, the political representation of the party, the centrality of the proletariat, or the leadership of the vanguard. Rather, after the failure of such tactics over the last century, revolutionary strategy is now headed in an entirely new direction. Much has been written on Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy in the last 15 years, but Returning to Revolution is the first full-length work to-date on their central concept of revolution and its emergence alonside the most influential revolutionary movement of the 21st century: Zapatismo.• Outlines the theoretical and practical origins of the return to political revolution• Provides the first full-length account of Deleuze and Guattari's relationship to a concrete revolutionary struggle (Zapatismo)
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Land and freedom
The Zapatistas of Chiapas and the Landless Rural Workers' Movement (MST) of Brazil are often celebrated as shining examples in the global struggle against neoliberalism. But what have these movements achieved for their members in more than two decades of resistance and can any of these achievements realistically contribute to the rise of a viable alternative?
Through a perfect balance of grassroots testimonies, participative observation and consideration of key debates in development studies, agrarian political economy, historical sociology and critical political economy, Land and Freedom compares, for the first time, the Zapatista and MST movements.
Casting a spotlight on their resistance to globalizing market forces, Vergara-Camus gets to the heart of how these movements organize themselves and how territorial control, politicization and empowerment of their membership and the decommodification of social relations are key to understanding their radical development potential.
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Narrativa de la rebelión zapatista
En diciembre de 2004, Paco Ignacio Taibo II y el Subcomandante Marcos empezaron a publicar en el periódico mexicano La Jornada una novela por entregas titulada Muertos incómodos. El proyecto confirma la vocación literaria del portavoz del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, vocación y talento que ya se habían manifestado en los comunicados de la guerrilla. Kristine Vanden Berghe procede a una lectura detenida de los relatos incluidos por Marcos en dichos comunicados y reunidos posteriormente en los libros Relatos de el Viejo Antonio (1998) y Don Durito de la Lacandona (1999). La autora estudia cómo en ellos se plasman los aspectos más debatidos de la insurrección chiapaneca, tales como la representación de los indígenas por el mestizo Marcos, el papel de la mujer en las filas de la guerrilla y la índole supuestamente posmoderna de ésta. Pero también atiende a temas poco tratados: la manera en la que Marcos crea una lengua literaria híbrida con miras a dar cuenta de la identidad de los guerrilleros y de los objetivos de éstos, su uso de una simbología de colores para describir a los actantes, ejemplo de cómo el discurso cae ocasionalmente en un etnocentrismo que el Subcomandante dice querer evitar, o los hilos intertextuales que se tejen –con distintos propósitos– entre sus relatos y el Popol Vuh, los poemas de García Lorca y los textos de Borges. En su conjunto, los recursos literarios que esta lectura saca a la luz demuestran que Marcos concibe sus relatos como armas para convencer a los lectores a favor de su causa y que confía en la eficacia de la literatura cuando se trata de contribuir a la construcción de la comunidad nacional y de las identidades sociales.
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