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Despite its significant policy implications, little is known about the impact working hours have on how often workers visit their elderly parents. Evidence is particularly lacking on men's overtime work and workers in Asia. We examine the causal impact of male workers' working times on parental visits, using a natural experiment to eliminate potential endogeneity bias. In 2004, the Korean government began reducing its legal workweek from 44 to 40 h, gradually expanding it from larger to smaller establishments by 2011. Using annual longitudinal data from the 2005 to 2014 Korea Labor and Income Panel Study (N=1005 person-waves), we estimated an instrumental variable (IV) fixed-effects (FE) regression model. Our IV was an indicator variable of whether an individual full-time worker's legal workweek was reduced to 40 h in a given year. The results showed that working one additional hour a week lowered the frequency of visits by 6.5% (95% confidence interval [- 13.0%, 0.0%]), which was not apparent in a FE model without the IV. Working long hours has implications for workers' interactions with their elderly parents, and the failure to consider endogeneity in actual working hours may understate the negative effect. Reducing work hours may serve as an effective policy intervention for improving the well-being of older adults in rapidly aging Asian countries in a work-oriented and family-centered culture. We also highlight the need for further attention to men's work hours, which are often considered much less important than women's work status in population research on intergenerational support.

Research on the gender division of family labor largely focuses on housework and childcare in spousal couples. This article advances scholarship by examining the gender division of elderly parent care in sibling groups. Using the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative survey of elderly Americans, I find that caregiving to elderly parents varies not only by an adult child's own gender, but also by the gender of the siblings with whom caregiving is shared and by the gender of the parent to whom care is provided. The salience of an adult child's gender manifests in two primary ways: not only do daughters provide more care than do sons to their elderly parents, but daughters' caregiving is also more elastic with respect to their own and their parents' attributes than is sons' caregiving. With respect to the gender of the siblings, sons provide relatively less care if they have sisters, whereas daughters provide relatively more care if they have brothers. With respect to the gender of the parent, sons provide relatively more care to fathers, and daughters provide relatively more care to mothers. Finally, analyses did not reveal changes over time.

While the literature shows that elderly parents may use bequests to reward children who provide them with time support, there is limited evidence on whether younger, less needy parents base their intended bequest division on alternative forms of support from children. This study uses data from the June 2018 Singapore Life Panel and focuses on a sample of 4,125 adult children and their middle-aged and older parents. From family fixed-effects estimation, I find that parents intend to leave larger bequest shares to coresident children and to children who provide greater material support. Parents also intend to bequeath more to children in whom they confide frequently, while children in whom they confide rarely receive more bequests only if they provide greater material support. The results suggest that parents may interpret physical and emotional proximity to children as signs of filiality for which they may reward them, while detached children may earn such rewards through material support. This study demonstrates the existence of coresidence-for-bequest and money-for-bequest exchanges between adult children and their middle-aged and older parents. These exchanges may translate into future caregiving-for-bequests when parents become elderly, and may thus have broader implications for both individual and societal well-being.

We conduct a theoretical and empirical analysis of why children live with (or near) their parents and provide care and assistance to them using microdata from a Japanese household survey, the Osaka University Preference Parameter Study. We find that the Japanese are more likely to live with (or near) their elderly parents and/or to provide care and attention to them if they expect to receive a bequest from them, which constitutes strong support for the strategic bequest motive, but that their caregiving behavior is also heavily influenced by the strength of their altruism toward their parents and social norms.

Do children cooperate when they decide to provide informal care to their elderly parent? This paper assesses whether a cooperative or non-cooperative model drives the caregiving decisions of children. Focusing on families with two children and one single parent, I use data from a survey of older adults in France to compare the predictive power of the two models. Results suggest that children are more likely to behave according to a non-cooperative model, and that a cooperative model overestimates the level of care received by the parents. I construct an indicator of the degree of non-cooperativeness between two children and explore the determinants of non-cooperation. Finally, I show that this indicator is positively correlated with the number of unmet needs the parent has. This latter result suggests that the current level of informal care provided to a parent appears to suffer from a public good problem and the lack of cooperativeness between children has detrimental consequences for the parent.

Given population ageing and the emphasis on in-home care, more working-age adults are facing the demands of providing unpaid care to the elderly with potential implications for their own well-being. Such effects likely vary across Europe because care is differently organized with a differing emphasis on public support, dependence on family, and orientation toward gender equality. We studied the relationship between unpaid caregiving for elderly parents and the psychological well-being of older working-age (50–64) men and women by analysing data from the Survey of Health, Retirement, and Ageing in Europe (SHARE), covering 18 countries between 2004 and 2020 (N = 24,338), using ordinary least squares (OLS). We examined risk of depression by caregiving intensity and tested whether coresidence mediated outcomes. Men and women providing care to parents experience important psychological well-being losses across Europe, especially when caregiving is intensive. A heavier caregiving burden associated with coresidence explains a regime gradient in depression, not least for women in Southern Europe. Results highlight the spillover costs of unpaid caregiving across Europe and the need to address caregiver psychological well-being, especially in contexts where state support for elder care is low and coresidence is common.

We study the prevalence of informal caregiving to elderly parents by their mature daughters in Europe and the links between parental health, intense (daily) caregiving, and the employment status of daughters. We group data from SHARE into three country pools (North, Central, and South), which differ in the availability of public formal care services and female labor market attachment. There is a strong North-South gradient in the (positive) effect of parental ill health on the probability of daily caregiving. The loss of employment ascribable to daily informal caregiving seems negligible, except in southern countries. We use a time allocation model to provide a link to an empirical IV-treatment effects framework and to interpret our findings.

This paper systematically reviews empirical research published between 2006 and 2016 on the relationship between informal care-giving to elders and labour force participation (LFP). It does so in the context of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development policy responses to population ageing. In this context, conclusions regarding the LFP and care-giving relationship should at least be applicable to the sub-population of working-aged individuals who are most likely to provide informal elder care. Currently, these are women in mid-life and the recipients of their care are mostly extra-residential parents. The review's key conclusion is that mid-life women care-givers of elderly parents are significantly likely to reduce their working hours and also to work fewer hours relative to their non-care-giving counterparts. In drawing this conclusion, the review shows that studies finding only modest care-giving effects on LFP either do not adequately control for care-giving intensity or their conclusions apply to sub-populations less likely to be affected by policies addressing population ageing.

With a large baby-boomer generation entering mid-later life in the United Kingdom, and families spanning across multiple generations, understanding how individuals support multiple generations is of increasing research and policy significance. Data from the British 1958 National Child Development Study, collected when respondents were aged 55, are used to examine how mid-life women and men allocate their time to support elderly parents/parents-in-law and their own adult children in terms of providing grandchild care, and whether there is a trade-off in caring for different generations. Binary logistic and multinomial regression models distinguish between individuals supporting multiple generations, only one generation or none. One-third of mid-life individuals are ‘sandwiched’ between multiple generations, by having at least one parent/parent-in-law and one grandchild alive. Among them, half are simultaneously supporting both generations. Caring for grandchildren increases the probability of also supporting one's parents/parents-in-law, and vice versa. More intense support for one generation is associated with a higher likelihood of supporting the other generation. Good health is associated with caring for multiple generations for men and women, while working part-time or not at all is associated with such care provision for women only. Facilitating mid-life men and women in responding to family support demands whilst maintaining paid employment will be critical in fostering future intergenerational support.

Delayed marriage and childbearing, more births outside marriage, the increase in women's labor force participation, and the aging of the population have altered family life and created new challenges for those with caregiving demands. U.S. mothers have shed hours of housework but not the hours they devote to childrearing. Fathers have increased the time they spend on childcare. Intensive childrearing practices combine with more dual-earning and single parenting to increase the time demands on parents. Mothers continue to scale back paid work to meet childrearing demands. They also give up leisure time and report that they \"are always rushed\" and are \"multitasking most of the time.\" Time-stretched working couples reduce the time they spend with each other. A large percentage of both husbands and wives also report they have \"too little time\" for themselves. Delayed childbearing and the aging population also increase the likelihood that both (adult) children and elderly parents need support and care from workers later in life.