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In recent decades, governments and NGOs--in an effort to promote democracy, freedom, fairness, and stability throughout the world--have organized teams of observers to monitor elections in a variety of countries. But when more organizations join the practice without uniform standards, are assessments reliable? When politicians nonetheless cheat and monitors must return to countries even after two decades of engagement, what is accomplished? Monitoring Democracy argues that the practice of international election monitoring is broken, but still worth fixing. By analyzing the evolving interaction between domestic and international politics, Judith Kelley refutes prevailing arguments that international efforts cannot curb government behavior and that democratization is entirely a domestic process. Yet, she also shows that democracy promotion efforts are deficient and that outside actors often have no power and sometimes even do harm. Analyzing original data on over 600 monitoring missions and 1,300 elections, Kelley grounds her investigation in solid historical context as well as studies of long-term developments over several elections in fifteen countries. She pinpoints the weaknesses of international election monitoring and looks at how practitioners and policymakers might help to improve them.

The development of projects for new eco-cities is rapidly becoming a global phenomenon. Alleged eco-cities are being built across a variety of spaces via processes of urbanisation triggering substantial environmental, social and economic impacts. This article investigates how new eco-city projects interpret and practice urban sustainability by focusing on the policy context that underpins their development. The article argues that projects for new eco-cities are shaped in loci by policy agendas tailored around specific economic and political targets. In these terms, the ideas and strategies of urban sustainability adopted by eco-city developers are understood as reflections of broader policy priorities. The case study employed in this article, Masdar City, reveals how the Emirati eco-city initiative is the product of local agendas seeking economic growth via urbanisation to preserve the political institutions of Abu Dhabi. Following the economic imperatives set by the ruling class, the Masdar City project interprets sustainability as ecological modernisation and practices urban environmentalism almost exclusively in economic terms. The article shows how the developers of Masdar City capitalise on sustainability by building an urban platform to develop and commercialise clean-tech products, and concludes that the Emirati alleged eco-city is an example of urban eco-modernisation: a high-tech urban development informed by market analysis rather than ecological studies.

The high popularity of Twitter renders it an excellent tool for political research, while opinion mining through semantic analysis of individual tweets has proven valuable. However, exploiting relevant scientific advances for collective analysis of Twitter messages in order to quantify general public opinion has not been explored. This paper presents such a novel, automated public opinion monitoring mechanism, consisting of a semantic descriptor that relies on Natural Language Processing algorithms. A four-dimensional descriptor is first extracted for each tweet independently, quantifying text polarity, offensiveness, bias and figurativeness. Subsequently, it is summarized across multiple tweets, according to a desired aggregation strategy and aggregation target. This can then be exploited in various ways, such as training machine learning models for forecasting day-by-day public opinion predictions. The proposed mechanism is applied to the 2016/2020 US Presidential Elections tweet datasets and the resulting succinct public opinion descriptions are explored as a case study.

The article focuses on the OSCE’s actions in the human dimension, using Georgia as a case study of a country facing constant challenges. The research aligns with the functionalist school, highlighting the essential role of international organizations in tasks beyond state capabilities. Research methods include archival research, interviews during a study visit to Georgia, election observation missions, and analysis of OSCE documents, focusing on the 2023-2024 political crisis. The OSCE’s presence and support have been crucial for progress in areas like rule of law, institution building, and electoral transparency. However, although the OSCE has been present and active in that region, its recommendations are not fully implemented by the Georgian government. Georgian authorities have often contradicted OSCE recommendations, particularly in upholding civil rights and ensuring transparent elections.

This article presents a formal model that shows how states can credibly reassure each other simply by maintaining a cooperative outward narrative. The reassurance literature to date has focused largely on costly signaling, whereby benign states must distinguish themselves by taking specific actions that hostile types would not. The mere lack of overtly expressed hostility without costly signals has been considered “cheap talk,” on the assumption that this behavior is costless for hostile states and thus uninformative. In contrast, this paper argues that maintaining a cooperative façade while secretly formulating and executing exploitative policies carries inherent trade-offs, and thus constitutes a credible reassurance signal. Foreign policy planning and implementation requires communication among various individuals, groups, and organizations, which has some probability of being observed and punished by outside actors. Yet efforts to conceal the policymaking process and reduce this probability are costly—they require investments in internal monitoring and restrictions on internal communication that can substantially degrade policy outcomes. Thus, to the extent that a state's foreign policymaking process is transparent—that is, that concealing internal communications is difficult—the absence of positive signals of hostility is a credible signal of its benign intentions. The argument is illustrated with a case study of German reassurance signals during the July Crisis preceding World War I.

The Trump administration's antienvironmental policies and its proclivity to dismiss evidence-based claims creates challenges for environmental politics in a warming world. This article offers the Environmental Data and Governance Initiative (EDGI) as a case study of one way to respond to this political moment. EDGI was started by a small group of Science and Technology Studies and environmental justice researchers and activists in the United States and Canada immediately after the November 2016 elections. Since then, EDGI has engaged in four primary activities: archiving Web pages and online scientific data from federal environmental agencies; monitoring changes to these agencies' Web sites; interviewing career staff at the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration as a means of tracking changes within those agencies; and analyzing shifts in environmental policy. Through these projects and practices, EDGI members developed the concept of environmental data justice. Environmental data justice is deeply informed by feminist approaches to the politics of knowledge, especially in relation to critical data and archival studies. In this article we establish the theoretical basis for environmental data justice and demonstrate how EDGI enacts this framework in practice. Key Words: critical data studies, environmental data justice, feminist science studies, the politics of knowledge, social practice.

Civil society organizations have played a pivotal role in democratization process in Nigeria since the advent of the Fourth Republic. They have greatly helped in the success of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through pre-election, during election, and in post-election monitoring and advocacy. This article, therefore, examined the role of the Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room (NCSSR) in improving the election in Nigeria during the 2015 and 2019 General Elections. While many civil societies flourished recently in Nigeria, their role toward democratization and facilitating credible election remain insignificant until in the 2015 and 2019 General Elections where their activities helped immensely the process of a credible election. A Civil Society as the Third Tier of Government framework was adopted as a theoretical explanation of the context of the work. The research used a qualitative case study method of data collection where informants consisting of members of NCSSR, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and academicians were selected for the interview and Focus Group Discussion. The total number selected was 16 from the three identified categories. The research discovered that the NCSSR aided the process and fairness of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through proper monitoring, civic voter education, active collaboration with electoral body (INEC), and collaboration with international donor agencies through what they called “Civil Society Situation Room” which consist of more than 60 registered civil societies. The research recommends that civil societies should be empowered with constitutional backing and independent funding to enable them carry out their responsibilities adequately. Also, the article recommends that the electoral body (INEC) should liaise more and cooperate with civil societies to enable them conduct good and credible elections in future.

ABSTRACT Introduction: Despite decentralization devolving increasing decision-making powers to subnational governments across Asia, the subject of local-level elections has not received anywhere near the academic attention afforded to national elections. This article aims to make a contribution to filling this gap in the literature on the dynamics of local election by examining the political parties’ activities in the 2010 local executive election in Indonesia through the detailed case study of Manado City. Materials and Methods: This article used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methodologies for a case study of the Manado local government election in 2010. These methods include direct observation which had been done during the election in 2010, review of relevant media articles and books, collection of statistics from relevant government organizations and interviews. The latter comprised the most important and novel aspect of the research. The interviews were of two types: First, there was a quantitative survey of 100 selected voter respondents using questionnaire with 22 closed-ended questions. Second, there were semi-structured interviews with the local leaders of political parties, the heads of campaign teams, the candidates, the members of the local electoral organization, the representatives of NGOs, mass media personnel and the survey organisations who monitored the election. The quantitative data was explored with the aid of a computer application program (SPSS) while the qualitative data was analysed through a thematic approach. Although the qualitative data collection and analysis was dominant, the quantitative methodology was still important in this article. Results: This article found a paradoxical situation in that political parties did not and did matter. They did not matter case was supported by evidence showing that voters chose candidates based on their personalities, behaviours and programs rather than on party loyalty. On the contrary, they did matter case derived from the superior organisational abilities of parties in running successful election campaigns and in aligning themselves with the candidates most likely to win. Discussion: This article had made a valuable addition to explaining the activities of political parties at local level in the context of decentralization. The implication of this research is that although voters did not choose political parties, the latter were nonetheless highly significant in determining the outcome of the local government election in Manado City. So, it is useful for future research to consider more closely the role of parties in local elections. RESUMO Introdução: Apesar da descentralização atribuir crescentes poderes de tomada de decisão aos governos subnacionais em toda a Ásia, o assunto das eleições locais não recebeu nem de longe a atenção acadêmica concedida às eleições nacionais. Este artigo tem como objetivo contribuir para preencher esta lacuna na literatura sobre a dinâmica das eleições locais, examinando as eleições executivas locais de 2010 na Indonésia, através do estudo de caso detalhado da Cidade de Manado. Materiais e Métodos: Este artigo usou uma combinação de metodologias quantitativas e qualitativas para um estudo de caso da eleição do governo local de Manado em 2010. Esses métodos incluem observação direta realizada durante a eleição em 2010, revisão de artigos e livros relevantes da mídia, coleta de estatísticas de organizações governamentais relevantes e entrevistas. Este último compreendeu o aspecto mais importante e inovador da pesquisa. As entrevistas foram de dois tipos, Primeiro, houve uma pesquisa quantitativa com 100 entrevistados selecionados usando questionário com 22 perguntas fechadas. Segundo, houve entrevistas semiestruturadas com os líderes locais dos partidos políticos, os chefes das equipes de campanha, os candidatos, os membros da organização eleitoral local, os representantes das ONGs, o pessoal da mídia de massa e as organizações de pesquisa que monitoraram a eleição. Os dados quantitativos foram explorados com o auxílio de um programa de aplicação em computador (SPSS), enquanto os dados qualitativos foram analisados por meio de uma abordagem temática. Embora a coleta e análise qualitativa de dados tenham sido dominantes, a metodologia quantitativa ainda era importante neste artigo. Resultados: Este artigo encontrou uma situação paradoxal em que os partidos políticos não importaram e importaram. A situação em que eles não importaram foi apoiada por evidências mostrando que os eleitores escolheram candidatos com base em suas personalidades, comportamentos e programas, em vez de na lealdade do partido. Na situação contrária, no caso em que os partidos realmente importavam, isso derivou das habilidades organizacionais superiores dos partidos na execução de campanhas eleitorais bem-sucedidas e no alinhamento com os candidatos com maior probabilidade de vitória. Discussão: Este artigo foi um acréscimo valioso para explicar as atividades dos partidos políticos em nível local no contexto da descentralização. A implicação desta pesquisa é que, embora os eleitores não tenham escolhido os partidos políticos, eles foram altamente significativos na determinação do resultado das eleições para o governo local na cidade de Manado. Portanto, é útil para pesquisas futuras considerar mais de perto o papel dos partidos políticos nas eleições locais.

Disclosure requirements under US federal campaign finance laws and subsequent court rulings have created greater transparency into the financing of campaigns that allow election watchdog groups to monitor and track the flow of money to and by outside groups. These requirements also have generated an extensive new source of quantitative data for scholars to use. Because of the substantial increase in spending by outside groups, it is both timely and important to examine the influence of independent expenditures on election outcomes, political behavior, and fairness in the democratic process. To evaluate and understand the impact of this spending, researchers must be aware of the scope and limitations of the campaign finance data collected by the Federal Election Commission (FEC). This article provides scholars who would like to use FEC data to answer some of these questions with an introduction to the data source, a discussion of how other scholars have used the data, and a case study to generate guidance on the challenges and potential solutions associated with accessing and analyzing these data.