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"Elite (Social sciences) Political activity Russia (Federation)"
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Democratic breakdown and the decline of the russian military
Why have Russian generals acquired an important political position since the Soviet Union's collapse while at the same time the effectiveness of their forces has deteriorated? Why have there been no radical defense reforms in Russia since the end of the cold war, even though they were high on the agenda of the country's new president in 2000? Democratic Breakdown and the Decline of the Russian Military explains these puzzles as it paints a comprehensive portrait of Russian military politics.
eBook
Building an authoritarian polity : Russia in post-Soviet times
\"Graeme Gill shows why post-Soviet Russia has failed to achieve the democratic outcome widely expected at the time of the fall of the Soviet Union, instead emerging as an authoritarian polity. He argues that the decisions of dominant elites have been central to the construction of an authoritarian polity, and explains how this occurred in four areas of regime-building: the relationship with the populace, the manipulation of the electoral system, the internal structure of the regime itself, and the way the political elite has been stabilised. Instead of the common 'Yeltsin is a democrat, Putin an autocrat' paradigm, this book shows how Putin built upon the foundations that Yeltsin had laid. It offers a new framework for the study of an authoritarian political system, and is therefore relevant not just to Russia but to many other authoritarian polities\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
The rise of the Russian business elite
The early 1990s saw the formation of a new group of Russian property owners, often derivative of the late Soviet
nomenklatura. The richest and most influential were known as oligarchs, and they established a dominant position in the later years of the Yeltsin presidency. Only 15% of the 1993 business elite still retained their position by 2001, after the 1998 devaluation of the currency. Those who took their place were younger, less metropolitan, better educated and more likely to have a background in government, including many who had enjoyed ministerial status. The new business elite is less personally ambitious, but its political influence is no less considerable and its representation in decision-making bodies has more than doubled over the post-communist period. The logic of development is towards a concentration of economic power in the hands of 20–25 large conglomerates in a politically subordinate association with government, along South Korean lines.
Journal Article
Nationalism, Myth, and the State in Russia and Serbia : Antecedents of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia
\"This book examines the role of Russian and Serbian nationalism in different modes of dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in 1991. Why did Russia's elites agree to the dissolution of the Soviet Union along the borders of Soviet republics, leaving twenty-five million Russians outside of Russia? Conversely, why did Serbia's elite succeed in mobilizing Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia for the nationalist cause? Combining a Weberian emphasis on interpretive understanding and counterfactual analysis with theories of nationalism, Veljko Vujaéciâc highlights the role of historical legacies, national myths, collective memories, and literary narratives in shaping diametrically opposed attitudes toward the state in Russia and Serbia. The emphasis on the unintended consequences of communist nationality policy highlights how these attitudes interacted with institutional factors, favoring different outcomes in 1991. The book's postscript examines how this explanation holds up in the light of Russia's annexation of Crimea\"-- Provided by publisher.
BOOK
COMPARING CITIZEN AND ELITE BELIEF SYSTEMS IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA AND UKRAINE
No previous research has systematically compared the policy preferences and attitudinal constraint of elites and ordinary citizens in societies undergoing a fundamental change in the form of the government and the economic system. This article utilizes directly comparable survey questions asked of a representative sample of citizens and their parliamentary representatives in two post-Soviet countries, Russia and Ukraine, to determine the degree of similarity that existed in the attitudinal preferences and ideological consistency of these two sets of political actors 6 months after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The level of attitude consistency and ideological thinking among ordinary citizens was found to be unexpectedly high, thereby reflecting the degree of politicization occurring during the period immediately preceding the Soviet disintegration. Relative to other studies of elites, however, the attitude constraint among the elites was unexpectedly low. This unexpected finding is explained by the absence of various institutions and arrangements that promote consistent attitudes among elites in western democracies, such as functioning political parties, lobby groups, and an investigatory media.
Journal Article
