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Background Loneliness and social isolation can occur at any stage of life, but some predictors may be more common among older adults. Due to growing population ageing, loneliness and social isolation are relevant social issues. Many studies apply the main definitions of loneliness and social isolation offered by the literature without considering how individual representations, socio-cultural context and the culture of care may influence their perception. This study wishes to fill in these literature gaps by analysing empirical definitions of loneliness and social isolation arising from a mixed-gender randomized sample of Italian oldest old people. Methods Between January and March 2019, 132 older people, most aged 80+, living in a northern Italian town, were asked to answer a questionnaire and a semi-structured interview. According to a mixed-method analysis the definitions of loneliness and social isolation were analysed by respondents’ gender, living arrangement (e.g., living alone or with partners or other people), and years of education to find possible associations to the meanings attributed to the two concepts. Results The sample was gender-balanced and mid-low educated; more than one fourth of respondents lived alone. The results underline how the empirical definitions of loneliness and social isolation are closer to each other than the academic ones. The two concepts are often perceived by participants as distinct, but they are strongly interconnected so that they can be used interchangeably by older Italian people. The two main themes identified by the analysis are loneliness as “death” and social isolation as “guilt”. In the respondents’ opinion, the main loneliness driver is the loss of loved, close persons, while social isolation is driven by disability. Age, educational level, and living arrangements did not influence the meanings attributed to social isolation. On the contrary, living arrangement ( P  = 0.002) and educational level ( p  = 0.023) seem to influence the empirical definitions of loneliness. Conclusion The knowledge of the meanings that oldest old give to the two concepts may inspire advanced intervention aimed at buffering the psychological and social consequences of loneliness and social isolation in the older population.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently developed an empirical case definition that specifies criteria and instruments to diagnose chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS) in order to bring more methodological rigor to the current CFS case definition. The present study investigated this new definition with 27 participants with a diagnosis of CFS and 37 participants with a diagnosis of a Major Depressive Disorder. Participants completed questionnaires measuring disability, fatigue, and symptoms. Findings indicated that 38% of those with a diagnosis of a Major Depressive Disorder were misclassified as having CFS using the new CDC definition. Given the CDC’s stature and respect in the scientific world, this new definition might be widely used by investigators and clinicians. This might result in the erroneous inclusion of people with primary psychiatric conditions in CFS samples, with detrimental consequences for the interpretation of epidemiologic, etiologic, and treatment efficacy findings for people with CFS.

This chapter contains sections titled: Introduction The Evidence‐based Approach to Clinical Supervision (EBCS) The Significance of Supervision The History of Supervision The Definition of Clinical Supervision Aims of This Book Plan for the Book Summary

Beginning with a sample of 497 Ss, multiple criteria of religiosity were applied to obtain a truly religious group of 210 Ss. Utilizing a factorially stable measure of prejudice, extreme religious-prejudiced (29 Ss) and religious-unprejudiced (32 Ss)groups were formed. Committed and Consensual religious orientations were then hypothesized on the basis of five cognitive perspectives which were operationally derived from interviews. Strong correspondence was demonstrated between prejudice and Consensual religion and between absence of prejudice and Committed faith. Many additional distinctions in social and religious outlooks were also evidenced, thus clarifying further the nature of religion-prejudice relationships.

In both empirical research and interpretation today there is a total lack of agreement as to what secularization is and how to measure it. The present paper tries to bring the concept of secularization into focus by considering 1) the history of the term, 2) six types of usage today and their application in selected examples of research, 3) a critique of these forms of secularization concept as analytical tools, and 4) a critique of the secular-religious polarity. It is concluded that the term secularization, because of its polemical past, its extremely varied definitions, and its frequent use as a blanket term to cover several disparate processes, should either be abandoned or be explicitly recognized as a comprehensive term covering three complementary but distinct processes, desacralization, differentiation and transposition.

The null-hypothesis that \"religion\" is unidimensional was tested on a local sample of Methodists. Relevant literature was examined for possible dimensions. Eleven were found or constructed and 121 questionnaire items covering many aspects of individual belief and congregational involvement were selected as possible indicators. Factor and cluster analyses were used. Sixteen factors and twelve clusters of some interest were obtained. Agreements between the analyses led to the conclusions that: 1. For these data, the unidimensional view should be rejected; 2. Nine dimensions can be presented for further study, several of which are similar to some previously proposed in the literature.

Objectives The lack of a common definition for precarious employment (PE) severely hampers the comparison of studies within and between countries, consequently reducing the applicability of research findings. We carried out a systematic review to summarize how PE has been conceptualized and implemented in research and identify the construct's dimensions in order to facilitate guidance on its operationalization. Methods According to PRISMA guidelines, we searched Web of Science and Scopus for publications with variations of PE in the title or abstract. The search returned 1225 unique entries, which were screened for eligibility. Exclusion criteria were (i) language other than English, (ii) lack of a definition for PE, and (iii) non-original research. A total of 63 full-text articles were included and qualitative thematic-analysis was performed in order to identify dimensions of PE. Results We identified several theory-based definitions of PE developed by previous researchers. Most definitions and operationalizations were either an accommodation to available data or the direct result of qualitative studies identifying themes of PE. The thematic-analysis of the selected articles resulted in a multidimensional construct including the following three dimensions: employment insecurity, income inadequacy, and lack of rights and protection. Conclusions Despite a growing number of studies on PE, most fail to clearly define the concept, severely restricting the advancement of the research of PE as a social determinant of health. Our combined theoretical and empirical review suggests that a common multidimensional definition could be developed and deployed in different labor market contexts using a variety of methodological approaches.