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Thunberg encountered nine species of Lilium during his visit to Japan in 1776. Of these, L. lancifolium Thunb., L. longiflorum Thunb., L. maculatum Thunb., and L. speciosum Thunb. are all accepted. He also described L. elegans Thunb., a lily that is morphologically similar to L. maculatum . The long-disputed name L. × elegans is confirmed as correctly belonging to the hybrid comprising L. maculatum and L. pensylvanicum Ker Gawl. Thunberg’s working methodology, including that of his illustrators and engravers, is scrutinised concerning the publication of his Japanese lilies. Four lectotypes and a neotype are designated, a full synonymy is listed for L. maculatum and L. × elegans, and keys to the hybrid and its parent species, as well as to the natural varieties within L. maculatum , are provided.

The unusual spelling of the genus Ginkgo has long attracted scholarly interest. It is well known that Linnaeus took the name from the Amoenitatum exoticarum of Kaempfer, and that Kaempfer relied on the 17th century Japanese illustrated encyclopedia Kinmo Zui for some of the names he took for Japanese plants. But why Kaempfer transliterated the name as \"Ginkgo\", a pronunciation that does not exist in contemporary Japanese, has been debated. The recognition that Kaempfer's young assistant was Genemon Imamura, a native of Nagasaki, provides a new perspective. Analysis of the plant names in the Amoenitatum exoticarum and comparison with the names in the Kinmo Zui shows that Kaempfer sought to faithfully transcribe the pronunciations of Genemon's late medieval Nagasaki dialect into his transliterations. Ginkgo is one of several examples for which transliteration of the Nagasaki dialect accounts for Kaempfer's unusual spelling of a word or name.

In their earliest encounters with Asia, Europeans almost uniformly characterized the people of China and Japan as white. This was a means of describing their wealth and sophistication, their willingness to trade with the West, and their presumed capacity to become Christianized. But by the end of the seventeenth century the category of whiteness was reserved for Europeans only. When and how did Asians become \"yellow\" in the Western imagination? Looking at the history of racial thinking, Becoming Yellow explores the notion of yellowness and shows that this label originated not in early travel texts or objective descriptions, but in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century scientific discourses on race.

A partir de 1639, y hasta mediados del siglo XIX, Japón mantuvo una política aislacionista rompiendo todas las relaciones con Occidente originadas casi un siglo atrás. El gobierno nipón únicamente hizo una excepción con la Compañía Neerlandesa de Indias Orientales, quienes tuvieron el privilegio de ser los únicos europeos con acceso al archipiélago japonés. Gracias a esta prerrogativa, entre 1690 y 1692, el médico alemán Engelbert Kaempfer pudo visitar el País del Sol Naciente, viajando en hasta dos ocasiones a la corte del sogún en Edo (Tokio). Fruto de estas experiencias, el germano pudo tomar una serie de notas y dibujos retratando diversos aspectos de las inaccesibles islas. Muchos de estos materiales se publicaron posteriormente en su obra The History of Japan (Londres, 1727), sin embargo una gran cantidad de sus diseños, de un valor histórico incalculable, quedaron sin editar en las sombras de sus archivos. A continuación trataremos de arrojar luz sobre estos insólitos bocetos e ilustraciones.

Die überwältigende kulturelle Ausstrahlung Chinas verstellt nur allzu leicht den Blick auf die Eigenständigkeit und Leistungen der anrainenden Länder. Obwohl westliche Schriften zur Akupunktur und Moxibustion bis zum 19. Jahrhundert überwiegend auf Informationen aus Japan beruhten, sah man lange kaum einen Unterschied zur traditionellen chinesischen Medizin. Im ersten Teil dieses Artikels (DZA 2/2015) wurden einige Züge der japanischen Akupunktur im 17. Jahrhundert nachgezeichnet, als die Europäer erstmals versuchten, einen Einblick in diese fremdartige Therapie aus einer so fernen Welt zu gewinnen und japanische Ärzte aufbrachen, um neue Konzepte und Behandlungsmethoden zu entwickeln. Der zweite Teil beschreibt Engelbert Kaempfers Abhandlung zur Therapie der „Kolik”, die Erfindung des Führungsröhrchens durch Sugiyama Wa’ichi, des Weiteren die Deutungsversuche der sino-japanischen Konzepte durch die Pioniere Kaempfer und ten Rhijne sowie die Reaktion namhafter Mediziner des 18. Jahrhunderts. The overwhelming cultural charisma of China all too easily prevents recognition of neighbouring countries’ autonomy and achievements. Even though until the 19th century Western papers on acupuncture and moxibustion were predominantly based on Japanese information, distinctions from Traditional Chinese Medicine were hardly recognized for a long time. The first part of this article (DZA 2/2015) traced some traits of Japanese acupuncture during the 17th century. This period is marked by Europeans venturing for the first time to glimpse into this strange therapy from a remote part of the world, while Japanese physicians embarked on the development of novel concepts and therapeutic methods. The second part of the article will describe Engelbert Kaempfer’s treatise on the therapy of ”colic” and the invention of the guiding tube by Sugiyama Wa’ichi. Furthermore, the pioneering Kaempfer and ten Rhijne’s attempt at interpreting the Sino-Japanese concepts as well as the reaction of renowned physicians of the 18th century will be presented.

Die überwältigende kulturelle Ausstrahlung Chinas verstellt nur allzu leicht den Blick auf die Eigenständigkeit und Leistungen der anrainenden Länder. Obwohl westliche Schriften zur Akupunktur und Moxibustion bis zum 19. Jahrhundert überwiegend auf Informationen aus Japan beruhten, sah man lange kaum einen Unterschied zur traditionellen chinesischen Medizin. Nachfolgend werden einige Züge der japanischen Akupunktur im 17. Jahrhundert nachgezeichnet, als die Europäer erstmals versuchten, einen Einblick in diese fremdartige Therapie aus einer so fernen Welt zu gewinnen und japanische Ärzte aufbrachen, um neue Konzepte und Behandlungsmethoden zu entwickeln. Hierbei werden zugleich die Bedingungen des euro-japanischen Austauschs und der Hintergrund einiger japanischer Neuentwicklungen in der Medizin aufgezeigt. The impressive cultural aura of China blocks the view of the independency and achievements in its neighbouring countries far too easily. Until the 19th century Western publications on acupuncture and moxibustion were based predominantly on information gathered in Japan, nevertheless differences in the traditional medicine of both countries were hardly perceived. This paper traces some basic traits of Japanese acupuncture in 17th-century Japan, when Europeans tried for the first time to understand this strange therapy from a world apart and Japanese physicians set out to develop new concepts and treatment methods. At the same time the conditions of the Euro-Japanese medical exchange and the background of several Japanese medical innovations are demonstrated.

Wallace discusses Englebert Kaempfer's two-volume work, A History of Japan: Giving an Account of the Ancient and Present State of the Government of that Empire, which was translated and published in 1727. Among other literary notes, Kaempfer's remarkable work, long recognized among Japanese scholars, now receives additional attention from eighteenth-century scholars, who appreciate it as a significant record of early-modern civilization. Moreover, the English translation and publication of Kaempfer's History of Japan intervenes in twenty-first century discussions about globalism to offer a paradox. As a critic emphasizes, the very existence of this text demonstrates both the possibilities of translation for expanding knowledge about other nations and the impracticalities of Japan's rigid attempts to prevent virtually all cultural and linguistic exchange with other nations.

Turning her attention to the \"closed\" nation of Japan to consider the problems of linguistic translation and cultural value, Keogh examines Atlas Japannensis by Arnoldus Montanus with translations by John Ogilby, and A History of Japan by Engelbert Kaempfer. The convergence of two factors--European texts that deal with issues about translation and language, and Japan, a country that actively tries to resist all translation, provides a fruitful locus to examine ideas about translation in the long 18th-century.

Chocolate first took London by storm in the late seventeenth century, as a fashionable drink with remarkable curative properties. Milk chocolate was `discovered' by Sir Hans Sloane, a society doctor and keen amateur collector of rarities. Already a notable physician, and member of London's prestigious scientific institution, the Royal Society, Sloane was offered the job of personal physician to the dissolute young Duke of Albermarle, who had been appointed governor of Jamaica. On 5 October 1687, he sailed from Spithead on the frigate Assistance, part of a small fleet which also comprised Albermarle's yacht, and two large merchant ships. The party reached Jamaica on 19 December that year. There Sloane had plenty of time on his hands to explore exotic remedies, as well as to assemble a vast collection of unfamiliar natural history specimens, as he describes in the preface to the Natural History he later published: In his Natural History of Jamaica Sloane describes how he stumbled on the idea of drinking chocolate, the `milk chocolate' which was marketed under his name. In Jamaica, Sloane found, chocolate was regarded as a valuable aid to digestion: `Chocolate is here us'd by all People, at all times. The common use of this, by all People in several Countries in America, proves sufficiently its being a wholesome Food. The drinking of it actually warm, may make it the more Stomachic, for we know by Anatomical preparations, that the tone of the fibres are strengthened by dipping the Stomach in hot water, and that hot Liquors will dissolve what cold will leave unaffected.'

Ginkgo (Ginkgo biloba) is horticulture's best-known living fossil. Abundant and cosmopolitan in the fossil record extending back 270 million years, the tree was thought long extinct by Western scientists. Then, in 1690, botanist Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716) happened upon a small grove of living ginkgos growing in the garden of a Japanese temple. He brought seeds back to The Netherlands and planted them in the Utrecht Botanical Garden, where those 300-year- old trees remain today. Saskatchewan falls just outside the hardiness range for ginkgo, but one should never underestimate the miracle of the microclimate. I know of a number of small ginkgos thriving within Saskatoon's heat island. Two are on the University of Saskatchewan campus: the smaller in the southwest corner of the plot behind the Biology building, and the larger at Innovation Place. It is tucked into an exquisite microclimate just outside the Sedco Centre doors that face west onto the pelican pool.