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This article analyzes the sketches of Ernesto “Che” Guevara and fellow guerrillas made by the Argentine Ciro Bustos during his captivity in Bolivia in 1967. Many of the references to Bustos in biographies of Guevara and in writings about the latter’s failed Bolivian campaign depict Bustos, because of those sketches, as “the man who betrayed Che.” The tensions and discrepancies in those accounts suggest instead that Bustos’s sketches should be seen not merely as documents of betrayal but as artworks embedded in the period’s wider revolutionary visualities. The article argues that Bustos’s drawing of Che Guevara, who is usually depicted visually as “heroic guerrilla” or “saintly martyr,” introduces an affective, intimate gaze of armed struggle in all its complications. En este artículo se analizan los retratos que el argentino Ciro Bustos hizo durante su cautiverio en Bolivia en 1967 de sus compañeros guerrilleros, entre los que se encontraba Ernesto “Che” Guevara. Muchas de las biografías de Guevara y los escritos sobre su fallida campaña en Bolivia señalan a Bustos como “el hombre que traicionó al Che” y justifican la acusación refiriéndose precisamente a esos dibujos. Pero la falta de acuerdo en el rol que ocuparon los retratos en la captura de Guevara habilita la posibilidad de que los bocetos de Bustos sean abordados no como meros documentos de una traición sino como imágenes complejas del régimen visual de aquella época revolucionaria. Sostenemos aquí que el retrato hecho por Bustos del Che Guevara, históricamente representado como “guerrillero heroico” o “mártir sagrado,” introduce una mirada afectiva, íntima y compleja de la lucha armada.

Most research on Ernesto “Che” Guevara has been concerned with emphasizing his ideological Marxist commitments and anti-imperial material objectives. These scholarly concerns usually constellate recycled subjective themes highlighting the revolutionary leader hating injustice, and loving justice, in tandem with the objective of eliminating imperialism and advancing a Third World project. In 2012, Che’s Apuntes filósoficos (Eng. Philosophical Notes) were published and highlighted that his exposure to philosophy regrettably occurred late in his life, and surprisingly, the difficulty he had in reading Marx and Hegel. The objective, therefore, of this multidisciplinary research navigating law, theology, philosophy, and politics is threefold. First, it alludes to and critiques the familiar pedagogy of Guevara emphasizing the importance of developing a “theory in action”, “learning through action”, being a “humanist”, and “leading by example”. Secondly, it considers the consequences of Che reifying emotion (eros) over reason (logos) thereby providing a possible answer to his “failed revolutionary story” in the Congo and Bolivia with his pedagogy involving an unstable compound mixing the emotion of compassion with rage thus clouding his reason. Finally, the third section highlights that we should not relegate emotion away from the sphere of political discourse, but rather harmonize it with reason to avoid chaotic and unpredictable errors based on subjective truths. Emphasizing the former at the expense of the latter—as maintained by a realist approach to International Relations and positivist jurisprudence accenting International Law—risks undermining scholarship challenging the immoral consequences arising from a naturalized assumption separating reason and revelation thus decriminalizing colonial practices characterizing the North and South.

This reexamination of Ernesto \"Che\" Guevara's thoughts on socialism, democracy, and revolution is a must-read for today's activistsor anyone longing to fight for a better world.Fifty years after his death, Guevara remains a symbol to legions of young rebels and revolutionaries. This unique book provides a way to critically engage with Guevara's economic views, his ideas about revolutionary agency, and his conduct as guerrilla commander and government administrator in Cuba.Samuel Farber was born and raised in Cuba. He has written extensively on Cuba and the Cuban Revolution and is author of Cuba Since the Revolution of 1959.

This article explores the symbolic appeal of Che Guevara within radical Left circles of the 1960s and 1970s. Che's importance as a shared political reference offers a unique window on aspirational symbols and the desire for meaningful transnational solidarity. By tracing Che's resonance in Latin America, western Europe, the United States, and the Middle East, the article brings into conversation the study of post-war radicalism, political iconography, and the cognitive dimensions of interconnectivity. As a means of understanding Che's appeal to both protest movements and guerrilla organizations, the article develops the notion of a ‘transnational imagination’, or mode of perception that frames local circumstances in a world historical trajectory and thereby affects collective aspirations and actions.

Studies of Latin American Jews under Cold War dictatorships have primarily focused on Jewish victims of dictatorial state violence. More recent scholarship, however, has offered individual case studies of Argentine Jewish activists as political actors rather than victims. Building on this newer work, this article examines the participation of Jewish high school and university students in the student movement and armed struggle against the Brazilian military regime (1964–85). Drawing on secret police records, memoirs, and oral history interviews, it explores the experiences of a dozen Jewish activists, tracing their politicization to family ties, Jewish elementary schools and summer camps, and elite public high schools. Blurring the boundaries between the “communalist” and “dispersionist” approaches to Jewish history by demonstrating how social networks established through leftist Jewish institutions had lasting impacts on ostensibly unaffiliated Jewish activists, this article offers the first extended examination of Jewish anti-dictatorship activism in the Latin American sixties.

Guevara, Ernesto, El Diario del Che en Bolivia, prólogo de Fidel Castro. Editorial Siglo XXI, México, 1968, 238 pp.

The Fall of Che Guevara tells the story for the first time of the United States government's response to Guevara's ill-starred insurgency in Bolivia in 1967. Author Henry Butterfield Ryan argues that Guevara's life must be re-evaluated in light of secret documents recently released specifically for this book by the CIA, the State Department, the Pentagon, and the National Security Archive. This dramatic account of the last days of Che Guevara will appeal to scholars and students of United States foreign policy, Latin American history, military history, and to all those interested in this revolutionary's remarkable life.

Los éxitos de la salud pública en Cuba a partir de la década del sesenta del siglo pasado tienen un punto de apoyo en el ideal médico social que se logró construir. Fenómeno complejo desarrollado, en su génesis, bajo una aguda lucha ideológica. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo determinar las condiciones en que surge y se consolida el ideal médico social cubano en la década de los sesenta, considerando el pensamiento de Fidel Castro Ruz y Ernesto Guevara como guías ideológicas fundamentales del proceso. Se emplearon métodos de investigación científica de los niveles, empírico y teórico. Se utilizó como técnica fundamental, el análisis de contenido a materiales escritos, como memorias, discursos, entrevistas, libros, periódicos y revistas, obteniendo como resultado el esclarecimiento de algunos elementos en la etapa.

Resumen: El propósito de este artículo es descubrir la evolución de las contradicciones dentro de la izquierda latinoamericana en torno al asunto de guerrillas tras la revolución cubana. Estos profundos desacuerdos condujeron a una división dentro de varios PP.CC. cuyos militantes se vieron obligados a elegir entre la postura del PCUS (abogando por una combinación de métodos legales y clandestinos de lucha) o la actitud cubana, reclamando a la guerrilla como una nueva vanguardia política. La ruptura se volvió aún más complicada debido al triple conflicto entre Moscú, La Habana y Beijing sobre los modos de hacer revoluciones. Algunas de estas disputas tuvieron su origen en la época de la Internacional Comunista. Los autores realizan una investigación de documentos, materiales de los medios de comunicación, así como memorias, comparándolos con literatura. También revelan algunos detalles de la guerrilla del Che en Bolivia.

Este texto presenta una reflexión sobre el impacto que Ernesto Guevara, El Che, tuvo sobre la inteligencia latinoamericana que reflexiona sobre su vida post mortem. Volver a el Che permite recorrer de nuevo los puntos nodales de la la historia continental, con sus fallas y aciertos, pero también induce a establecer la relación estrecha entre el pensamiento político y el económico de revolucionarios y reformistas continentales así como colocar la historia continental dentro de la historia global, sobre todo, la de la relación entre Estados Unidos y la Unión Soviética.  La tensión establecida entre las dos potencias condiciona la política de las repúblicas latinoamericanas y las sitúa en un desideratum del cual Fidel Castro y el Che Guevara son los dos exponentes más representativos, colocados en los dos extremos posibles de la historia de nuestra América.