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Winner of the 2012 Outstanding Book Award in Cultural Studies, Association for Asian American Studies Puro Arte explores the emergence of Filipino American theater and performance from the early 20th century to the present. It stresses the Filipino performing body's location as it conjoins colonial histories of the Philippines with U.S. race relations and discourses of globalization. Puro arte, translated from Spanish into English, simply means \"pure art.\" In Filipino, puro arte however performs a much more ironic function, gesturing rather to the labor of over-acting, histrionics, playfulness, and purely over-the-top dramatics. In this book, puro arte functions as an episteme, a way of approaching the Filipino/a performing body at key moments in U.S.-Philippine imperial relations, from the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair, early American plays about the Philippines, Filipino patrons in U.S. taxi dance halls to the phenomenon of Filipino/a actors inMiss Saigon. Using this varied archive, Puro Arte turns to performance as an object of study and as a way of understanding complex historical processes of racialization in relation to empire and colonialism.

The past few years have seen an emergence of populist leaders around the world, who have not only accrued but also maintained support despite rampant criticism, governance failures, and the ongoing COVID pandemic. The Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte is the best illustration of this trend, with approval ratings rarely dipping below 80 percent. What explains his high levels of robust public support? We argue that Duterte is an ethnopopulist who uses ethnic appeals in combination with insider vs. outsider rhetoric to garner and maintain public support. Moreover, we argue that ethnic affiliation is a main driver of support for Duterte, and more important than alternative factors such as age, education, gender, or urban vs. rural divides. We provide evidence of Duterte's marriage of ethnic and populist appeals, then evaluate whether ethnicity predicts support for Duterte, using 15 rounds of nationally representative public opinion data. Identifying with a non-Tagalog ethnicity (like Duterte) leads to an 8 percent increase in approval for Duterte, significantly larger than any other explanatory factor. Among Duterte supporters, a non-Tagalog ethnicity is associated with 19 percent increase in strong versus mild support. Ethnicity is the only positive and significant result, suggesting that it strongly explains why Duterte's support remains robust. Alternative explanations, such as social desirability bias and alternative policy considerations, do not explain our results.

Language is one of the quintessential markers of ethnicity. It allows co-ethnics to easily identify one another and underscores in-group and out-group boundaries. Recognizing this, politicians frequently employ ethnic tongues to enhance their political appeal. To what extent does this shape the opinions of their audiences? Utilizing a survey experiment, I test the impact of an ethnic tongue against that of the common political language among the Javanese in Indonesia, the Tagalog in the Philippines, and the Isan people in Thailand. The experiment demonstrates that the ethnic language has a significant impact in both Thailand and Indonesia, but there appears to be little effect of using Tagalog over Filipino English in the Philippines. The findings suggest that ethnic tongues have the potential to significantly enhance political appeals, both among dominant (Javanese) and marginal (Isan) ethnic groups, but when the ethnic group is already the linguistic hegemon (Tagalog), such effects may be limited.

Mobile Childhoods in Filipino Transnational Families focuses on the lived experiences of '1.5-generation' migrants with similar 'roots' (the Philippines), traversing different 'routes' (receiving countries). By shedding light on the diversified paths of their migratory lives, it revisits the relationships between mobility, sociality and identity.

From the perspectives of ethnic studies, history, literary criticism, and legal studies, the original essays in this volume examine the ways in which the colonial history of the Philippines has shaped Filipino American identity, culture, and community formation. The contributors address the dearth of scholarship in the field as well as show how an understanding of this complex history provides a foundation for new theoretical frameworks for Filipino American studies.

01 02 International institutions, including the United Nations and World Bank, and numerous multinational companies (MNCs) have voiced concern over the adverse impact of resource extraction activities on the livelihood of indigenous communities. Yet the scale and scope of problems confronting indigenous peoplescaused bymineral extraction projects endorsed by governments, international agencies and MNCs is monumental. This raises a paradox: Despite the burgeoning number of international charters and national laws asserting the rights of indigenous peoples, they find themselves subjected to discrimination, dispossession and racism. The authorsexplore this paradox by examining mega resource extraction projects in Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Chad and Cameroon, India, Nigeria, Peru and the Philippines. 16 02 Blaser, Mario, Harvey A. Feit, and Glen McRae (eds.), In the Way of Development: Indigenous Peoples, Life Projects and Globalization (London: Zed Books, 2004) is the only book that deals with the issues analysed in this study. The proposed volume, however, deals in far greater depth with the theme of indigeneity and development, while also linking it to the issue of public-private cooperation. Postero, Nancy, Now We are Citizens: Indigenous Politics in Postmulticultural Bolivia (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006) and Sawyer, Suzana, Crude Chronicles: Indigenous Politics, Multinational Oil, and Neoliberalism in Ecuador (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004) deal with similar issues to the proposed volume, specifically the link between neoliberalism, multiculturalism and indigenous identity. These two books are, however, authored volumes, each focusing on only one country. The proposed edited volume provides an original comparative study involving nine countries. 19 02 Assesses the merits of public-private cooperation as a means to sensitize businesses to the problems that accompany major mineral extraction projects Shows how public-private partnerships eventually lead to the problem of institutional capture; undermining the neutrality of the state Highlights the need for governments and international agencies to create inclusive consultative platforms that provide indigenous groups an avenue to participate in decisions that affect their way of life Examines mega resource extraction projects in Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Chad and Cameroon, India, Nigeria, Peru and the Philippines 02 02 International institutions (United Nations, World Bank) and multinational companies have voiced concern over the adverse impact of resource extraction activities on the livelihood of indigenous communities. This volume examines mega resource extraction projects in Australia, Bolivia, Canada, Chad, Cameroon, India, Nigeria, Peru, the Philippines. 13 02 SUZANA SAWYER Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Davis, USA. She is the author of Crude Chronicles: Indigenous Politics, Multinational Oil, and Neoliberalism in Ecuador and numerous articles. Her current work examines a longstanding transnational lawsuit on alleged oil contamination. EDMUND TERENCE GOMEZ Professor of Political Economy at University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Previously, he has held appointments at Leeds University, Murdoch University, Kobe University and UNRISD in Geneva, Switzerland. His publications include Political Business in East Asia and The State, Development and Identity in Multi-ethnic Countries: Ethnicity, Equity and the Nation . 31 02 Indigenous peoples are increasingly subject to discrimination, exploitation, dispossession and racism, despite the growing number of international charters and national laws to protect their rights 04 02 Transnational Governmentality in the Context of Resource Extraction; S.Sawyer & E.T.Gomez On Indigenous Identity and a Language of Rights; S.Sawyer & E.T.Gomez State, Capital, Multinational Institutions and Indigenous Peoples; S.Sawyer & E.T.Gomez Indigenous Rights, Mining Corporations and the Australian State; J.Altman Extracting Justice: Natural Gas, Indigenous Mobilization and the Bolivian State; T.Perreault The Broker State and the 'Inevitability' of Progress: The Camisea Project and Indigenous Peoples in Peru; P.Urteaga-Crovetto Development, Power and Identity Politics in the Philippines; R.D.Rovillos & V.Tauli-Corpuz The Nigerian State, Multinational Oil Corporations and the Indigenous Communities of the Niger Delta; B.Naanen Identity, Power and Development: The Kondhs in Orissa, India; V.Xaxa Public-Private Partnership and Institutional Capture: The State, International Institutions and Indigenous Peoples in Chad and Cameroon; K.Horta Identity, Power and Rights: The State, International Institutions and Indigenous Peoples in Canada; M.Davis Attending to the Paradox: Public Governance and Inclusive International Platforms; S.Sawyer & E.T.Gomez Appendix 1: International Conventions and IFI Policies on Indigenous Rights Appendix 2: Cross-Section of Domestic Legislation Pertaining to Indigenous Rights Appendix 3: Legal Institutions and Authorities for the Enforcement of Indigenous Rights

This paper attempts to trace the electoral behaviour of Baguio City voters during two years, beginning with the 1986 Presidential election contest between Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquino. A major theme of the analysis is the importance of specifically political variables, as opposed to socio-economic ones, in understanding the electorate. The discussion concludes that the Filipino voter is capable of responding to policy issues. The electorate seems ready for a transition to new forms of politics. However, this will be impossible until a new kind of political leadership is willing to exploit this readiness.

The aim of this article is to consider, with particular reference to the Philippines, the concerns associated with cultural and structural explanations of the Overseas Chinese and their economic organizations and practices in Southeast Asia, and to think about how we might look outside these boundaries. It is argued that the cultural-structural analysis has a profound bearing on how individuals—whatever their ethnicity—see themselves and each other. Its meaning is intrinsically and deeply political, and may create or exacerbate divisions and damage confidence in the Philippines' political economy. Therefore, it is suggested that we might be prepared to consider a different \"take\" on the cultural-structural analysis and its interpretations.