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This article examines how ancient Greek tragedy mobilizes landscape to reflect on the limits of civic order and the conditions of human dwelling. Rather than treating mountains, groves, meadows, and borderlands as neutral settings or as simple “nature/culture” oppositions, it argues that tragic landscapes are ethically charged spaces where human norms meet forces that exceed political regulation—divine presence, necessity, vulnerability, and finitude. Written for the polis yet unsettled by what lies beyond it, tragedy repeatedly turns to extra-civic spaces to test civic stability. Three case studies develop the argument. In Hippolytus, woodland and meadow sustain an ideal of purity grounded in withdrawal, an orientation incompatible with social life and culminating in catastrophic isolation. In Bacchae, Pentheus’ project of spatial control collapses as Dionysian forces traverse walls and institutions with ease, exposing the limits of civic rationality. In Oedipus Tyrannus and Oedipus at Colonus, the tragic trajectory moves from Mount Cithaeron, a site of abandonment and opaque necessity, to the sacred grove at Colonus, where prolonged suffering enables a transformed relation to place, law, and divine power. Taken together, these plays suggest that the polis is never fully self-sufficient: civic order endures only through engagement with what it cannot master or expel, and spatial orientation is inseparable from ethical choice.

This note presents a new supplement for Euripides, Heracles 767.

O presente artigo investiga aspectos estéticos das inovações musicais desenvolvidas pelo poeta trágico Eurípides (c. 484-406 a.C.) na segunda metade do século V a.C. Aspectos formais e ritualísticos são discutidos a partir da tradução de uma canção suicida entoada pela personagem Evadne da peça As Suplicantes (c. 423 a.C.). O objetivo desta investigação é recuperar o percurso que parte do papel da música na cultura grega e chega até as canções de lamento encontradas em Eurípides, resultado de um processo de inovação estética, ilustrado pela canção de Evadne. Nesse percurso, seguindo Alexiou (2002) e Eric Csapo (1999, 2004), reconhece-se que elementos musicais constituem recursos miméticos para a representação do feminino na obra do poeta.

This article argues that the Virgilian narrator’s account of Juno’s anger at the outcome of the Judgement of Paris at Aen. 1.25–7 contains an allusion, which seems to have gone unnoticed, to a prologue transmitted in some manuscripts of the Rhesus attributed to Euripides. It also discusses the problem of the origin of this prologue. Finally, it suggests some interpretative possibilities arising from recognition of the allusion.

Led by the poet Virgil, Dante navigates the various levels of the Inferno, where his political opponents face chastisement and dismemberment according to Dante's virtuous pagans: Homer, Ovid, Horace, and Lucan, among whom Virgil is recognized as the \"Prince of Poets\". As Virgil describes, because the legacy \"they left on earth is recognized in Heaven / and wins them ease in Hell out of God's favor,\" they are \"sinless [...] suffering Hell in one affliction only: / that without hope [they] live on in desire\". Dante singles out those who created enduring works of art that changed the world, making them a literal light in the darkness for Dante as well as a figurative light for a future society that they will continue to influence.

Questo articolo analizza opera perduta di Eschilo \"Oniov xpíow, comunemente considerata come la prima tragedia di una trilogia dedicata ad Aiace, seguita da Donne di Tracia e Donne di Salamina (o Abitanti di Salamina). Grazie alla documentazione disponibile, benché scarsa, il lavoro mette in discussione questa visione comunemente condivisa dagli studiosi, sostenendo che ci sono motivi ragionevoli per considerare \"Ол\\оу крот; un dramma satiresco con un sorprendente lieto fine. Nel contributo si argomenta che € un errore dare per scontata la dipendenza da Eschilo da parte di Pacuvio e Accio (autori ciascuno di un Armorum iudicium). Valorizzando al massimo uno scolio agli Acarnesi di Aristofane, si mostra la probabilità che le Nereidi costituissero la giuria della contesa e sentenziassero a favore di Aiace. Si illustra che nell'antichità esistevano trattazioni divertenti di questo episodio mitico, spaziando da un opera satirica su Aiace di Polemeo di Efeso, all opera di Pomponio, scrittore di atellane, alla raffigurazione su un piatto d'argento bizantino. I frammenti esistenti della 'Orov крот; non contraddicono quanto sostenuto. Uno specchio inciso prenestino, con Teti che aiuta Aiace a indossare l'armatura, pud essere messo in relazione con l'opera di Eschilo, cos! ricostruita. Due suggerimenti concludono la discussione: che \"OxAœv xpíow completi la trilogia di Achille in un modo conveniente a Milziade dopo il 493 a.C.; infine che la trilogia di Aiace (Donne di Tracia e Donne di Salamina, precedute o seguite da un'altra tragedia sconosciuta), sia stata chiusa dal dramma satiresco Leone e sia stata rilevante per Milziade al tempo del suo secondo processo.

CEG 1.10 shows striking parallels in language and thought with Euripides’ Suppliant Women 531–6 (c. 423), with both passages describing the departure of the soul into the upper air (aithêr) after death. This article argues that rather than being a commonplace in fifth-century Athens, the mention of this eschatology in Suppliant Women is a deliberate reference to CEG 1.10; and that the significance of this reference is the recontextualization of the lines from CEG 1.10 to describe the battle of Delium (423), thus expressing the war-weariness and disillusion of Athens.

In addition to the acrostic–telestic combination natu ceu aes ‘from birth like bronze’, Catullus poem 60 contains the earliest attested Latin mesostic (mi pia ‘dutiful to me’), which runs down its caesuras. The use of pius anticipates the language of aristocratic obligation that is used of Lesbia in the epigrams and is perhaps also a wordplay on the praenomen of Clodia’s father, Appius. The complex acrostics and the syntax of mi pia, along with the setting of poem 59 (in sepulcretis), suggest that poem 60 can be read as a literary epitaph. Additional closural elements in the poem include an allusion to Callimachus and a sphragis in the form of a play on the author’s name.