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This paper intends to discuss the notion of subimperialism in the understanding of Brazilian expansionism. The objective is to point to the limits of the concept of Ruy Mauro Marini, making comments about the monopolistic capitalism in Brazil.

Gobat analyzes how continents are imagined by rethinking the origins and significance of the idea of \"Latin America.\" Most scholars assume that French imperialists invented the term in order to justify their country's occupation of Mexico (1862-1867). In fact, however, it was first used in 1856 by elites in the region who were protesting US diplomatic recognition of the filibuster regime that William Walker's band of US expansionists had established in Nicaragua in 1855. \"Latin America\" was based on elites' embrace of a transatlantic ideology of whiteness associated with the European concept of a \"Latin race.\" Nevertheless, Gobat argues, the idea cannot be reduced to what some scholars consider a form of coloniality. However much \"Latin America\" rested on racial foundations, it was also imbued with a democratic ethos constructed against US and European expansionism. By showing how \"Latin America\" resulted from the transnational mobilization of an imperial concept for anti-imperial ends, Gobat underscores a hidden tension that marked the origins of the idea--a tension that in many ways lives on, as is evident in the current debate in the US over the meaning of Latino/a America.

The Great Recession, Euro contagion, Middle East upheavals, nuclear proliferation, and expansion of rights, among others, highlight the centrality of diffusion to international studies. This Presidential Address outlines building blocks for a shared conceptualization of diffusion that is attentive to the initial stimulus; the medium through which information about the stimuli may/may not travel to other destinations; the political agents un/affected by the stimulus' positive or negative externalities, who aid or block the stimulus' journey to other destinations; and outcomes that enable discrimination among grades of diffusion and resulting equilibria. Various issue areas illustrate how initial stimuli may/may not change preferences, transform identities, trigger emotions, alter strategic choices, and affect outcomes. I advance three related considerations. First, to avoid selection bias, understanding what does not diffuse (the \"Vegas counterfactual\") should be as central as what does. Concepts such as firewatts and sedimentation are essential for gauging a medium's relative immunity/vulnerability to diffusion. Second, weaving domestic, regional, and global considerations into a single analytical framework reduces omitted variable bias and enables systematic cross-regional comparisons. Third, these building blocks imbue the study of diffusion with political dynamics—entailing strategic interaction, contingency, incomplete information, and unintended effects—that defy determinism, automaticity, or teleology. Similar causal mechanisms may yield different outcomes under different domestic, regional, and global conditions. And different mechanisms may yield similar outcomes under comparable circumstances. I highlight the challenges inherent in assessing the outcomes of diffusion given competing empirical findings, epistemologies, and normative readings of what does/does not and should/should not diffuse, and outline an agenda for future research.

This book is first and foremost a history of ruling-class diplomacy, but other factors are not ignored: the Bolsheviks, the Turks, and the insurgencies in Europe. This book provides detailed narrative and cogent analysis of the all that happened in Paris in 1919 and all that came out of it, with the aftermath of the peace process and the difficulty of avoiding war for twenty years. This book falls into two parts. Part 1 shows how the peacemakers and their successors dealt with the problems of a shattered Europe. The war had fundamentally altered both the internal structures of many of the European states and transformed the traditional order. The book shows that the management of the European state system in the decade after 1919, while in some ways resembling that of the past, assumed a shape that distinguished it both from the pre-war decades and the post-1933 period. Part II covers the ‘hinge years’ 1929 to 1933. These were the years in which many of the experiments in internationalism came to be tested and their weakness revealed. Many of the difficulties stemmed from the enveloping economic depression. The way was open to the movements towards étatism, autarcy, virulent nationalism, and expansionism which characterized the post-1933 European scene. The events of these years were critical to both Hitler's challenge to the European status quo and the reactions of the European statesmen to his assault on what remained of an international system.

Native Americans are unique among domestic actors in that their relations with the U.S. government involve treaty making, with almost 600 such documents signed between the Revolutionary War and the turn of the twentieth century. We investigate the effect of constitutional changes to the treating process in 1871, by which Congress stripped the president of his ability to negotiate directy with tribes. We construct a comprehensive new data set by digitizing all of the treaties for systematic textual analysis. Employing scaling techniques validated with word-use information, we show that a single dimension characterizes the treaties as more or less \"harsh\" in land and resource cession terms. We find that specific institutional changes to treaty-making mechanisms had little effect on agreement outcomes. Rather, it is the relative bargaining power of the United States economically and militarily that contributes to worsening terms for Indians over the nineteenth century.

Are international courts power-seeking by nature, expanding the reach and scope of international rules and the courts' authority where permissive conditions allow? Or, does expansionist lawmaking require special nurturing? We investigate the relative influences of nature versus nurture by comparing expansionist lawmaking in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ), the ECJ's jurisdictional cousin and the third most active international court. We argue that international judges are more likely to become expansionist lawmakers where they are supported by substate interlocutors and compliance constituencies, including government officials, advocacy networks, national judges, and administrative agencies. This comparison of two structurally identical international courts calls into question prevailing explanations of ECJ lawmaking, and it suggests that prevailing scholarship puts too much emphasis on the self-interested power-seeking of judges, the importance of institutional design features, and the preferences of governments to explain lawmaking by international courts.

A notable feature of recent philosophical work on climate ethics is that it makes practically no reference to ‘traditional’ environmental philosophy (of the sort that has dominated the curriculum on environmental ethics for decades). There is some irony in this, since environmental ethics arose as part of a broader movement within philosophy, starting in the 1960s, aimed at developing different fields of applied philosophy, in order to show how everyday practice could be enriched through philosophical reflection and analysis. The major goal of this paper is to explain why this branch of practical ethics has, for the most part, failed the test of practicability when it comes to formulating a response to global climate change. The central problem is that debates in environmental philosophy became absorbed by a set of metaphysical questions about the nature of value. The result has been a field dominated by views that provide unsuitable foundations for the development of public policy.

Providing a wide-ranging analysis of the United States as a territorial, imperial power from its foundation to the present day, this book explores the United States' acquisition or long-term occupation of territories through a chronological perspective.

Volatile factor cost developments urge manufacturing firms to increase production efficiency by building up facilities in multiple countries. Differing from previous work that examines the quality of individual locations for investment, the study evaluates the net present value, the growth option value, and the operational flexibility value of the existing production network to predict the establishment of a new site. The results on a sample of 352 German manufacturing firms suggest that the direction, uncertainty, and diversity of labor cost movements in the extant locations influence the propensity to set up a new production subsidiary. Analyzing the international production network after the expansion shows that the new location increases the value of the network regarding these dimensions.

The green economy, as conceptualized by UNEP (2011), proposes itself as a new economic paradigm. However, in order to determine if it actually departs from the current status quo, it is imperative to uncover the underlying worldview behind this proposal. Using Rees' (1995) framework of sustainability, which distinguishes between the conventional unsustainable [expansionist] worldview and an alternative [ecological] worldview, this paper argues that although UNEP's proposal is moving towards an ecological worldview, it does not offer a fundamental transformation as it still remains heavily expansionist. Expansionism is mainly revealed in the proposal's anthropocentric approach to nature; its disregard to the existence of limits to material expansion; its emphasis on the social role of economic growth; and its focus on technical and market-based solutions to work out the sustainability crisis. A similar conclusion emerged specifically from the forestry chapter. This paper argues for the need to incorporate three guiding principles in order for forestry to move to a sustainable economy: the acknowledgement of limits to growth; a greater discernment between means and ends; and a move towards systems thinking in theory and practice.