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This article analyzes the coalition regime of the National Front in Colombia and its popular legitimation through the 1957 plebiscite. The objective is to reconstruct the process that led to institutional reform and the central characteristics of the plebiscite. The argument includes two statements. On one hand, the central actors in the process were élite parties that, despite their divisions and historical confrontations, came together to defend their positions of power against Gustavo Rojas Pinilla’s intention to remain in the presidency and overcome the widespread violence that affected the country. On the other hand, the plebiscite was conceived as a means of social legitimation of the decisions of the élites and the mobilization in its support was highly successful, although its content imposed severe limitations on the democratic regime. It is an analysis of a historical conjuncture based on documentary analysis and electoral statistics whose sources are newspaper archives, official statistics and complementary bibliography

We use a structural econometric model to provide empirical evidence that safety nets in the banking industry lead to additional risk taking. To identify the moral hazard effect of bailout expectations on bank risk, we exploit the fact that regional political factors explain bank bailouts but not bank risk. The sample includes all observed capital preservation measures and distressed exits in the German banking industry during 1995—2006. A change of bailout expectations by two standard deviations increases the probability of official distress from 6.6% to 9.4%, which is economically significant.

The contemporary Republican Party has been the site of asymmetric partisan entrenchment and factional infighting. We test whether factional pressure from a far-right faction (the Tea Party) exacerbated the party's rightward movement with a granular analysis of Republican factionalism at the congressional district level. We develop a measure of local factionalism using novel datasets of activist presence and primary contests. Then, we conduct a difference-in-differences analysis to assess whether local factionalism in the Tea Party era heightened Republican partisanship and legislative extremism at the district level. We find that districts that experienced factional pressure moved rightward on both measures. These findings help clarify how the Tea Party captured the Republican Party and support a focus on the role of party factions in fomenting partisan conflict.

This study investigates circumstances that affect individuals' decisions of whether or not to flee their homes during civilian conflicts. Building on the \"choice-centered\" approach to studying forced migration, I test the argument that people make a decision to flee or stay even under highly dangerous circumstances. Using primary data collected through a public opinion survey in Nepal, I test a number of hypotheses regarding the impact of factors such as violence, economic opportunity, physical infrastructure or geographical terrain, and social networks on forced migration, providing an individual-level test of the choice-centered approach to studying forced migration. The empirical results are consistent with the major hypotheses developed in aggregate-level studies and provide better insights into the factors that affect individual-level behavior. Beyond conflict, there are a number of significant economic, social, physical, and political factors that affect individuals' choice to flee.

To what extent, and under what conditions, does access to arms fuel violent crime? To answer this question, we exploit a unique natural experiment: the 2004 expiration of the U.S. Federal Assault Weapons Ban exerted a spillover on gun supply in Mexican municipios near Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico, but not near California, which retained a pre-existing state-level ban. We find first that Mexican municipios located closer to the non-California border states experienced differential increases in homicides, gun-related homicides, and crime gun seizures after 2004. Second, the magnitude of this effect is contingent on political factors related to Mexico's democratic transition. Killings increased disproportionately in municipios where local elections had become more competitive prior to 2004, with the largest differentials emerging in high narco-trafficking areas. Our findings suggest that competition undermined informal agreements between drug cartels and entrenched local governments, highlighting the role of political conditions in mediating the gun-crime relationship.

Research published in the American Political Science Review shows that anocracies—as defined by the middle of the Polity index of political regime—are more susceptible to civil war than are either pure democracies or pure dictatorships. Yet, certain components of the Polity index include a factional category, where political competition is \"intense, hostile, and frequently violent. Extreme factionalism may be manifested in the establishment of rival governments and in civil war\" (Gurr 1989, 12). Not surprisingly, these components exhibit a strong relationship with civil war. When they are removed from the Polity index, however, the original relationship disappears. I conclude that the original finding is not driven by the relationship between political institutions and civil war but rather by a less provocative relationship between political violence and civil war.

We introduce a theoretical argument linking group structure to an individual’s cohesion in collectively oriented task groups. We posit that status, the distribution of opinions, and social categories indirectly shape perceptions of cohesion by making individuals working on an uncertain task more or less susceptible to the opinions of others. Specifically, these factors influence how likely one is to succumb to the opinions of others, which in turn influences one’s likelihood of viewing one’s actions as valid or consonant with the expectations of the other members of the group. As this process repeats over time, it accumulates to affect individuals’ expressions of cohesion with group members. Results from a laboratory experiment corroborate this process.

Many China watchers argue that Xi Jinping has concentrated power in his own hands in a manner unprecedented since the death of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. This article tests the extent of Xi's power consolidation by comparing the strength of his faction during his time in power to similar periods under his two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Furthermore, we investigate whether a dominant faction is emerging under Xi Jinping, replacing the power balancing between factions that was the norm throughout the reform era. Analysing factional affiliations of Chinese leaders in the top four ranks, we find that Xi has formed a dominant faction. Through statistical analysis of the promotion chances of provincial leaders, we find that Xi has been unusually successful when compared to previous leaders at promoting his clients. This suggests that Xi has boosted the power of his faction by elevating provincial leaders to an extent not seen since the death of Mao and Deng.

La baja nobleza del reino de Valencia durante la baja edad media es un tema que ofrece grandes posibilidades para la investigación, lo que nos permitiría comprender más y mejor la evolución política y las relaciones de poder en el dicho reino durante los siglos XIV y XV. Por ello, en este artículo trataremos de analizar el origen y la composición familiar de la baja nobleza de la ciudad de Valencia a finales del siglo XIV y entender la problemática de los bandos y la conflictividad de las élites en este periodo a través de cuestiones como la gestión del patrimonio y las relaciones familiares o de afinidad.

Background Chronic kidney disease (CKD) is a global public health concern, but its disease burden and risk-attributable burden in CKD has been poorly studied in low - and middle-income countries (LMICs). This study aimed to estimate CKD burden and risk-attributable burden in LMICs from 1990 to 2019. Methods Data were collected from the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) Study 2019, which measure CKD burden using the years lived with disability (YLDs), years of life lost (YLLs), disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) and calculate percentage contributions of risk factors to age-standardized CKD DALY using population attributable fraction (PAF) from 1990 to 2019. Trends of disease burden between 1990 and 2019 were evaluated using average annual percent change (AAPC). The 95% uncertainty interval (UI) were calculated and reported for YLDs, YLLs, DALYs and PAF. Results In 2019, LICs had the highest age-standardized DALY rate at 692.25 per 100,000 people (95%UI: 605.14 to 785.67), followed by Lower MICs (684.72% (95%UI: 623.56 to 746.12)), Upper MICs (447.55% (95%UI: 405.38 to 493.01)). The age-standardized YLL rate was much higher than the YLD rate in various income regions. From 1990 to 2019, the age-standardized DALY rate showed a 13.70% reduction in LICs (AAPC = -0.5, 95%UI: − 0.6 to − 0.5, P  < 0.001), 3.72% increment in Lower MICs (AAPC = 0.2, 95%UI: 0.0 to 0.3, P  < 0.05). Age-standardized YLD rate was higher in females than in males, whereas age-standardized rates of YLL and DALY of CKD were all higher in males than in females in globally and LMICs. Additionally, the YLD, YLL and DALY rates of CKD increased with age, which were higher in aged≥70 years in various income regions. In 2019, high systolic blood pressure, high fasting plasma glucose, and high body-mass index remained the major causes attributable age-standardized CKD DALY. From 1990 to 2019, there were upward trends in the PAF of age-standardized DALY contributions of high fasting plasma glucose, high systolic blood pressure, and high body-mass index in Global, LICs, Lower MICs and Upper MICs. The greatest increase in the PAF was high body-mass index, especially in Lower MICs (AAPC = 2.7, 95%UI: 2.7 to 2.8, P  < 0.001). The PAF of age-standardized DALY for high systolic blood pressure increased the most in Upper MICs (AAPC = 0.6, 95%UI: 0.6 to 0.7, P  < 0.001). Conclusions CKD burden remains high in various income regions, especially in LICs and Lower MICs. More effective and targeted preventive policies and interventions aimed at mitigating preventable CKD burden and addressing risk factors are urgently needed, particularly in geographies with high or increasing burden.