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The 2011 World development report looks across disciplines and experiences drawn from around the world to offer some ideas and practical recommendations on how to move beyond conflict and fragility and secure development. The key messages are important for all countries-low, middle, and high income-as well as for regional and global institutions: first, institutional legitimacy is the key to stability. When state institutions do not adequately protect citizens, guard against corruption, or provide access to justice; when markets do not provide job opportunities; or when communities have lost social cohesion-the likelihood of violent conflict increases. Second, investing in citizen security, justice, and jobs is essential to reducing violence. But there are major structural gaps in our collective capabilities to support these areas. Third, confronting this challenge effectively means that institutions need to change. International agencies and partners from other countries must adapt procedures so they can respond with agility and speed, a longer-term perspective, and greater staying power. Fourth, need to adopt a layered approach. Some problems can be addressed at the country level, but others need to be addressed at a regional level, such as developing markets that integrate insecure areas and pooling resources for building capacity Fifth, in adopting these approaches, need to be aware that the global landscape is changing. Regional institutions and middle income countries are playing a larger role. This means should pay more attention to south-south and south-north exchanges, and to the recent transition experiences of middle income countries.

Background In 2014, the government of Togo implemented a pilot unconditional cash transfer (UCT) program in rural villages that aimed at improving children’s nutrition, health, and protection. It combined monthly UCTs (approximately US$8.40 /month) with a package of community activities (including behavior change communication [BCC] sessions, home visits, and integrated community case management of childhood illnesses and acute malnutrition [ICCM-Nut]) delivered to mother–child pairs during the first “1,000 days” of life. We primarily investigated program impact at population level on children’s height-for-age z-scores (HAZs) and secondarily on stunting (HAZ < −2) and intermediary outcomes including household’s food insecurity, mother–child pairs’ diet and health, delivery in a health facility and low birth weight (LBW), women’s knowledge, and physical intimate partner violence (IPV).Methods and findings We implemented a parallel-cluster–randomized controlled trial, in which 162 villages were randomized into either an intervention arm (UCTs + package of community activities, n = 82) or a control arm (package of community activities only, n = 80). Two different representative samples of children aged 6–29 months and their mothers were surveyed in each arm, one before the intervention in 2014 (control: n = 1,301, intervention: n = 1,357), the other 2 years afterwards in 2016 (control: n = 996, intervention: n = 1,035). Difference-in-differences (DD) estimates of impact were calculated, adjusting for clustering. Children’s average age was 17.4 (± 0.24 SE) months in the control arm and 17.6 (± 0.19 SE) months in the intervention arm at baseline. UCTs had a protective effect on HAZ (DD = +0.25 z-scores, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.01–0.50, p = 0.039), which deteriorated in the control arm while remaining stable in the intervention arm, but had no impact on stunting (DD = −6.2 percentage points [pp], relative odds ratio [ROR]: 0.74, 95% CI: 0.51–1.06, p = 0.097). UCTs positively impacted both mothers’ and children’s (18–23 months) consumption of animal source foods (ASFs) (respectively, DD = +4.5 pp, ROR: 2.24, 95% CI: 1.09–4.61, p = 0.029 and DD = +9.1 pp, ROR: 2.65, 95% CI: 1.01–6.98, p = 0.048) and household food insecurity (DD = −10.7 pp, ROR: 0.63, 95% CI: 0.43–0.91, p = 0.016). UCTs did not impact on reported child morbidity 2 week’s prior to report (DD = −3.5 pp, ROR: 0.80, 95% CI: 0.56–1.14, p = 0.214) but reduced the financial barrier to seeking healthcare for sick children (DD = −26.4 pp, ROR: 0.23, 95% CI: 0.08–0.66, p = 0.006). Women who received cash had higher odds of delivering in a health facility (DD = +10.6 pp, ROR: 1.53, 95% CI: 1.10–2.13, p = 0.012) and lower odds of giving birth to babies with birth weights (BWs) <2,500 g (DD = −11.8, ROR: 0.29, 95% CI: 0.10–0.82, p = 0.020). Positive effects were also found on women’s knowledge (DD = +14.8, ROR: 1.86, 95% CI: 1.32–2.62, p < 0.001) and physical IPV (DD = −7.9 pp, ROR: 0.60, 95% CI: 0.36–0.99, p = 0.048). Study limitations included the short evaluation period (24 months) and the low coverage of UCTs, which might have reduced the program’s impact.Conclusions UCTs targeting the first “1,000 days” had a protective effect on child’s linear growth in rural areas of Togo. Their simultaneous positive effects on various immediate, underlying, and basic causes of malnutrition certainly contributed to this ultimate impact. The positive impacts observed on pregnancy- and birth-related outcomes call for further attention to the conception period in nutrition-sensitive programs.

Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is a global public health issue, with notably high prevalence rates observed within Low-and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs). This systematic review aimed to examine the risk factors and consequences associated with IPV against women in LMICs. Following PRISMA guidelines, we conducted a systematic review using three databases: Web of Science, ProQuest Central, and Scopus, covering the period from January 2010 to January 2022. The study included only peer-reviewed journal articles in English that investigated IPV against women in LMICs. Out of 167 articles screened, 30 met the inclusion criteria, comprising both quantitative and mixed-method studies. Risk factors of IPV were categorised as: demographic risk factors (23 studies), family risk factors (9 studies), community-level factors (1 studies), and behavioural risk factors (14 studies), while consequences of IPV were categorised as mental health impacts (13 studies), physical impacts (5 studies), and societal impacts (4 studies). In this study, several risk factors were identified including lower levels of education, marriage at a young age, poor wealth indices, rural residential areas, and acceptance of gender norms that contribute to the prevalence of IPV in LMICs. It is essential to address these factors through effective preventive policies and programs. Moreover, this review highlights the necessity of large-scale, high-quality policy-driven research to further examine risk factors and consequences, ultimately guiding the development of interventions aimed at preventing IPV against women in LMICs.

Help seeking for intimate partner violence (IPV) is a complex process that involves reaching out to an external party. Women in resource constrained settings face unique constraints when seeking help for IPV but the latent classes of their help seeking behaviour in IPV has not been described. We therefore conducted a latent class analysis of help seeking behaviour among women experiencing IPV in Nigeria using the nationally representative 2018 Nigeria Demographic Health Survey (DHS) data. Nigeria was selected as an example of a resource constrained setting because close to half of its population is multidimensionally poor with significant financial and service barriers. Help seeking was defined by the latent class indicators of the places where or people from whom women sought help. The data were analysed in MPlus version 8.10 and survey sampling weights were applied. The relative fit of the models was compared using Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC), Adjusted BIC (ABIC), Lo-Mendell-Rubin Likelihood Ratio Test (LMR)  p -values, and entropy values. Of the 3,054 women who experienced physical or sexual violence, 1,041 (33%) women reported seeking for help and a four-class model of help seeking behaviour (BIC = 3910.80, ABIC = 3837.70, LMR p -value = 0.0002, and entropy value = 0.92) was described: Class I (Own Family; 49%), Class II (Everywhere; 18%), Class III (Predominantly Formal; 5%), and Class IV (Predominantly Partner’s Family; 28%). Women evinced a high reliance on informal sources for help. However, women with a history of sexual violence were most likely to access formal sources of help. Interventions for IPV have focussed on formal services but in resource constrained settings, the focus needs to be redirected to interventions for empowering informal sources of help (family, friends and neighbours) without neglecting formal systems.

Background This study examines the global evolution of the laws addressing domestic violence (DV), providing insights on the number and types of laws adopted by countries around the world since early 1980s. It highlights disparities in law adoption across different regions and countries with varying levels of economic development. Methods The empirical analysis is based on data from Women, Business and the Law (WBL), covering 190 economies annually from 1980 to 2024. The study introduces a distinction between laws related to DV based on legal source, distinguishing between DV laws, gender-based violence (GBV) laws, family violence laws, and criminal code. The study then presents a systematic descriptive analysis of cross-country DV laws and their association with the intimate partner violence (IPV) prevalence. Results There is a significant negative correlation between the presence of DV laws and the prevalence of IPV. The study finds that the type of law that regulates DV matters. Specifically, DV laws and criminal codes are more strongly associated with lower IPV prevalence. The number of laws regulating DV is also related to IPV prevalence. Additionally, the study reveals regional disparities in the adoption of laws, with higher-income countries adopting laws earlier than lower-income regions. Conclusion The presence and types of DV laws matter significantly for IPV prevalence. Comprehensive legal frameworks are vital in effectively mitigating DV.

Background Intimate partner violence (IPV) during pregnancy is a global issue of public health importance. Due to the low rates of help-seeking in response to IPV, research on survivors’ help-seeking behaviors is scarce, particularly within low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). The present study provides a cross-national evidence of informal and formal help-seeking patterns among pregnant women experiencing IPV. Methods This study made use of population-based data from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) Program from 54 LMICs, collected between 2005 and 2020 (N = 359,027). Applying bivariate and multivariable analyses, the present study examined IPV survivors’ help-seeking distributions and associations with individual, partner, family, and community factors. Results Only half of survivors sought help in response to IPV during pregnancy with wide regional and national variations, mainly from informal support networks (including family, neighbors, and friends), and rarely from formal institutions (including legal, socio-cultural, and medical services). Evidence shows that help-seeking behaviors were associated with IPV survivors’ age and educational attainment, survivors’ employment status and earnings compared to their partners, survivors’ consumption of mass media, intimate partner’s age and education, spouse’s alcohol consumption and controlling behaviors, survivors’ wealth index, place of residence, and health-seeking barriers, among others. Conclusion Practitioners are encouraged to consider the study’s outcomes when designing interventions and support for survivors seeking help in response to IPV during pregnancy. Strong advocacy and action are needed, including fostering survivors’ educational attainment, diminishing pregnant women’s social and financial dependencies on their intimate partners, promoting pre- and peri-natal health care, informing survivors about help, and increasing gender equality by engaging women and men equally within the whole community.

Background Intimate partner violence (IPV) against women is a global human rights violation and a public health problem. The phenomenon is linked to adverse health effects for women and children. Mothers of young children in Malawi can be particularly at risk because of gender-based power imbalances. The objectives of this study were to examine the prevalence and the risk factors of IPV against mothers of children under-five years of age in rural Malawi. Methods A multistage, cross-sectional study design was used. A sample of 538 mothers of young children was randomly selected from postnatal clinics in Dowa district. The WHO’s Violence against women screening instrument was used to collect data. Logistic regressions were used to determine risk factors that were associated with IPV against mothers. Results Overall prevalence of all four forms of IPV against mothers of under-five children was 60.2%. The prevalence of IPV controlling behavior, psychological, physical, and sexual violence were 74.7, 49.4, 43.7 and 73.2% respectively. In multivariate analyses, mothers whose partners had extra marital affairs were more likely to experience controlling behavior (AOR: 4.97, 95% CI: 2.59–8.55, P  = 0.001), psychological (AOR: 2.14, 95% CI: 1.486–3.472, P  = 0.001) and physical (AOR: 2.29, 95% CI: 1.48–3.94, P = 0.001) violence than mothers whose partners did not have extra marital affairs. Mothers whose partners consume alcohol were more likely to experience sexual violence (AOR: 2.00, 95% CI: 1.17–3.41, P  = 0.001) than mothers whose partners did not drink. Finally, mothers who spent more than 30 min drawing water were at greater risk of experiencing IPV than mothers who spent less than 30 min. Conclusion This study found a significantly higher prevalence of IPV against mothers of under-five children in rural Malawi compared to women in the general population. Micro and macro-level programs aimed at mitigating the partners’ potential risk behaviors identified in this study are suggested. Public health programs that support increased household access to safe water are also recommended to help undermine IPV against mothers.

Over the past four decades, violence against women (VAW) has come to be seen as a violation of human rights and an important concern for social policy. Yet government action remains uneven. Some countries have adopted comprehensive policies to combat VAW, whereas others have been slow to address the problem. Using an original dataset of social movements and VAW policies in 70 countries over four decades, we show that feminist mobilization in civil society—not intra-legislative political phenomena such as leftist parties or women in government or economic factors like national wealth—accounts for variation in policy development. In addition, we demonstrate that autonomous movements produce an enduring impact on VAW policy through the institutionalization of feminist ideas in international norms. This study brings national and global civil society into large-n explanations of social policy, arguing that analysis of civil society in general—and of social movements in particular—is critical to understanding progressive social policy change.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is an important global public health problem, affecting women across the life span and increasing risk for a number of unfavorable health outcomes. Typically conceptualized as a private form of violence, most research has focused on individual-level risk markers. Recently, more scholarly attention has been paid to the role that the residential neighborhood environment may play in influencing the occurrence of IPV. With research accumulating since the 1990s, increasing prominence of the topic, and no comprehensive literature reviews yet undertaken, it is time to take stock of what is known, what remains unknown, and the methods and concepts investigators have considered. In this article, we undertake a comprehensive, systematic review of the literature to date on the relationship between neighborhood environment and IPV, asking, “what is the status of scholarship related to the association between neighborhood environment and IPV occurrence?” Although the literature is young, it is receiving increasing attention from researchers in sociology, public health, criminology, and other fields. Obvious gaps in the literature include limited consideration of nonurban areas, limited theoretical motivation, and limited consideration of the range of potential contributors to environmental effects on IPV—such as built environmental factors or access to services. In addition, explanations of the pathways by which place influences the occurrence of IPV draw mainly from social disorganization theory that was developed in urban settings in the United States and may need to be adapted, especially to be useful in explaining residential environmental correlates of IPV in rural or non-U.S. settings. A more complete theoretical understanding of the relationship between neighborhood environment and IPV, especially considering differences among urban, semiurban, and rural settings and developed and developing country settings, will be necessary to advance research questions and improve policy and intervention responses to reduce the burden of IPV.