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Federalismo - Derecho Constitucional - Historia Política - Historia Intelectual Abstract Towards 1914, led by some relevant politicians, a group of people from the National Territory of La Pampa launched a campaign for its recognition as a new argentine province. According to them, the Territory had all the elements needed to be raised to the condition of an autonomous political unity and thus included among the fourteen existing provinces. The aim of this paper is, firstly, to analyze the arguments used by Ávalos to reject the transformation of the Territory into a new province and secondly, to explore the impact of his interventions on the unfolding of events, which was disappointing for the provincialists. [...]the purpose is to give an account of the interactions between academic and political circles, as well as to evaluate how the diagnoses on the state of the Argentine federalism weighted on the challenge represented by the admission of new provinces. Esa capacidad para movilizar influencias mucho debía, según Ávalos, al \"ilustrado leader\" de los provincialistas, Pedro O. Luro, un terrateniente con grandes propiedades en la provincia de Buenos Aires y en el Territorio pampeano, quien además de haber sido cuatro veces diputado nacional por la Capital Federal -entre 1898 y 1912- era sobrino político de Julio A. Roca.

In the years of the 1848–1849 revolution, apart from the Galician theme, the attention of liberal Slovenian activists was also focused on the situation and events in Poznan. The reason for these interests is not difficult to understand, as it was the Poles had to face the common enemy there, meaning German nationalism. In the following decades, as the Germanization pressure intensified, this interest grew, turning into solidarity and open support for the national struggle of Poles. With the advent of the constitutional era, when two concepts of the organization of the Habsburg monarchy clashed together: federalist and centralist, Slovenes and Poles found themselves in the federalist camp. Slovenians, whose position, as a so-called “unhistorical” nation, was definitely weaker, they tried to benefit from the political experience of Poles and, in some actions, follow their example. During the January Uprising, the main attention of the Slovenes focused on the attitude of the Prussian government to the Polish uprising and the related international implications. Nevertheless, the Slovenians continued to solidarize themselves with the nationalist struggle of Poles in Poznan, which, as it was stressed, was the link of a common Slavic cause, that is, resistance to the Germanic pressure. In the face of the rise of the German threat after 1866, the fate of Poles in the Prussian partition was an instructive example for the Slovenes and a warning about what they could expect from the Germans. Therefore, Slovenian activists, following the events in Poznan, tried to draw conclusions that can help them in their own national struggle. The struggle against the Catholic Church in Poznan, which intensified as part of Kulturkampfu, occupied a leading position among the reports of Slovenian newspapers and magazines. Both “Slovenski narod” and “Slovenec” wrote about the great police action, revisions and arrests carried out by the authorities. During the fourteen-year rule of Eduard Taaffe (1879–1893), when the Poles and Slovenes were on the side of the majority government, the struggle of the Poles against the German pressure in the Prussian partition enjoyed constant support and recognition of the Slovenian opinion. The relentless attitude of Poles, and especially the activities of Polish deputies in the Prussian and German parliaments, was often set as an example worth imitating not only Slovenian, but also served as a weighty argument in criticizing the policy of the Polish Circle in the Austrian State Council.

30 DE ANI DE LA ADOPTAREA CONSTITUŢIEI, EDITURA MONITORUL OFICIAL, BUCUREŞTI, 2021 Câteva reflecţii despre The Federalist Papers Neputând găsi un model exact în istorie care să se potrivească situaţiei unice a celor 13 colonii engleze din America de Nord, care îşi câştigaseră cu greu independenţa faţă de Coroana britanică, Congresul de la Philadelphia în 1787 a fost răspunsul delegaţilor pentru rezolvarea acestei probleme, iar creaţia lor a fost Constituţia Statelor Unite. Punctul forte al intervenţiei sale îl constituie îndemnul ca dezbaterile asupra Constituţiei „să se axeze pe necesitatea la Legea fundamentală să aibă în centrul ei OMUL, cu drepturi şi libertăţi fundamentale, şi un stat capabil în mod real să asigure protejarea lui printr-o arhitectură constituţională care să statueze cooperarea loială dintre puteri în folosul cetăţeanului\". Pentru a nu se abuza de putere trebuie ca, prin aranjarea lucrurilor, puterea să oprească puterea\"5 - prof. Valeriu Stoica analizează forma de guvernământ - republica semiprezidenţială - ca fiind cea mai bună alegere pentru situaţia politică care a marcat evoluţia societăţii româneşti în perioada postdecembristă. În opinia autorului, pericolul denaturării unei republici parlamentare este la fel de mare ca cel al unei republici prezidenţiale, deoarece fascinaţia puterii absolute poate modifica distribuţia raţională a puterii între diferitele structuri, poate altera raporturile de colaborare şi control între acestea.

The presentation focuses on federalist project and plans, political initiatives and addressing officials, (some of the) reactions of the Romanian intellectual and political elites to these projects, as well as their interpretations proposed by the Romanian historiography. Let us begin by stating that the Romanian culture is a distinctive example of the Central-European perception of being “in-between”, along with its possible conceptualizations, being mitigated by the deeply rooted conviction of the “enclave-like” character of this culture. The historic Habsburg heritage is presented exclusively negatively, and a number of historical fi gures, including both politicians and artists, are criticized for their “pro-Habsburg” or “pro-German” agitation, which is considered anti-national.

El artigo presenta resultados parciales de una pesquisa comparativa que tiene como objetivo discutir sobre el federalismo como forma de organización del Estado y sus consecuencias para la organización del financiamiento de la educación básica en la Argentina y Brasil. Fue utilizada la metodología de análisis documental en especial a los documentos legales que organizan y regulan las relaciones federativas en la educación y en el financiamiento de la educación en los dos países. Como principales resultados se percibió que la oferta y el financiamiento de la educación básica están descentralizados y a cargo de los entes subnacionales, aunque existan mecanismos de actuación del ente nacional en el financiamiento de la educación, sea repartiendo ingresos de impuestos o complementando el financiamiento cuando necesario.

The Indian federation is highly centripetal, and historically, this has left states without the requisite legislative and fiscal authority to take independent action and initiate policies of significance. Consequently, India's response to the global COVID-19 pandemic was to impose a very severe countrywide lockdown using the mandate of the Union (federal) government. This centralized one-size-fits-all diktat was imposed despite high variations across states in resources, healthcare capacity, and incidence of COVID-19 cases. We argue that India's dysfunctional federalism is the reason for the centralized lockdown, preventing state and local governments from tailoring a policy response to suit local needs. Using mobility data, we demonstrate the high variation in curtailing mobility in different states through the centralized lockdown. We find that India's centralized lockdown was at best a partial success in a handful of states, while imposing enormous economic costs even in areas where few were affected by the pandemic.

In this episode of “The Opinions,” David French breaks down why parts of the original Constitution lend themselves to abuse — and which three amendments could stop another shutdown like this one. “But first,” he says, “we have to get through this moment.”