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Over one hundred and fifty years ago, champions of women's rights in the United States, Britain, France, and Germany formed the world's earliest international feminist movement. Joyous Greetings is the first book to tell their story. From Seneca Falls in upstate New York to the barricades of revolutionary Paris, from the Crystal Palace in London to small towns in the German Rhineland, early feminists united to fight for the cause of women. At the height of the Victorian period, they insisted their sex deserved full political equality, called for a new kind of marriage based on companionship, claimed the right to divorce and to get custody of their children, and argued that an unjust economic system forced women into poorly paid jobs. We meet Jeanne Deroin, jailed for organizing unions, who wrote inspirational tracts from her Parisian cell to women abroad; Matilda Anneke, who fought on horseback during the Revolution of 1848 and published women's newspapers in Germany and, after emigrating, in America; Ernestine Rose, a Jewish woman who sued her father for control of her dowry and became a popular public speaker; and Lucretia Mott, the Quaker minister and abolitionist, who maintained international connections and helped to found the American women's movement. These women were part of the vanguard of a feminist movement that emerged as early as the 1830s, proving that feminism transcended national boundaries and existed decades before the suffragettes. These women rejected the traditional view that women's subordination was preordained, natural, and universal. Restoring these daring activists' achievements to history, Joyous Greetings passes on their inspiring and empowering message to today's new generation of feminists.

An intricate network of contacts developed among women in Europe and North America over the course of the nineteenth century. These women created virtual communities through communication, support, and a shared ideology. Forged across boundaries of nationality, language, ethnic origin, and even class, these connections laid the foundation for the 1888 International Council of Women and formed the beginnings of an international women's movement. This matrix extended throughout England and the Continent and included Scandinavia and Finland. In a remarkable display of investigative research, Margaret McFadden describes the burgeoning avenues of communication in the nineteenth century that led to an explosion in the number of international contacts among women. This network blossomed because of increased travel opportunities; advances in women's literacy and education; increased activity in the temperance, abolitionist, and peace reform movements; and the emergence of female evangelicals, political revolutionaries, and expatriates. Particular attention is paid to five women whose decades of work helped give birth to the women's movement by century's end. These \"\"mothers of the matrix\"\" include Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton of the United States, Anna Doyle Wheeler of Ireland, Fredrika Bremer of Sweden, and Frances Power Cobbe of England. Despite their philosophic differences, these leaders recognized the value of friendship and advocacy among women and shared an affinity for bringing together people from different cultural settings. McFadden demonstrates without question that the traditions of transatlantic female communication are far older than most historians realize and that the women's movement was inherently international. No other scholar has painted so complete a picture of the golden cables that linked the women who saw the Atlantic and the borders within Europe as bridges rather than barriers to improving their status.

This article explores the efforts of French Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish women to morally, spiritually, and physically protect immigrant and migrant women and girls in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Women of faith worried about the dangers posed by the white slave trade, and they feared the loss of spiritual consciousness among women living far from their families and their places of worship. In response to these concerns, they developed numerous faith-based international organizations aimed at protecting vulnerable working-class immigrants. Upper-class women's work in immigrant aid societies allowed them to take on much greater social and religious leadership roles than they had in the past. Likewise, the intricate, international networks that these women developed contributed to the building of international cooperation throughout Europe.

Kant’s essay ‘Project for Perpetual Peace’, written in 1795, was seminal in the relationship it constructed between the individual, national governance and international relations. Peace became a rallying cry after the Napoleonic wars and for a century, societies for peace sprouted across the Anglo-American and European landscape. During the nineteenth-century, peace was equated with social justice. This thesis begins at the tail-end of the peace movements - the turn of the twentieth century - at the junction when individuals, enthused by visions of peace, used architecture and other spatial practices to change relations between people towards an equal modern world society. I call this attitude an international sensibility and through this research display its contribution to modern society and its institutions. I am narrating an alternative history of internationalism that focuses on the part played by individual agency, social reform and architecture in moulding a working everyday definition of what it meant to be international. By viewing internationalism through the lens of the individual and the body, both as initiator and subject, it is repositioned as an integral part of the everyday life rather than simply understood to be concerned with geopolitical relations between nations and their institutions. The thesis questions the artificial dichotomy purposed between the national and the international. In addition, in its study of social hygiene this research advances a discussion of the role of eugenics especially neo-Lamarckism in the development of modern architecture. I focus on transnational institutions, which in the current work it is limited to Europe (including Britain) and the United States; nevertheless, the research furthers methods and issues that could benefit further studies of the multi-directional transference of institutions and ideas beyond this part of the world.

This article argues that the scholarly literature underpinning global and peace education largely ignores gender with troubling results. This omission makes incomprehensible a number of world crises, all of which could benefit from global and peace education. To chart the implications of this omission, this article first surveys peace education and pedagogy, demonstrating some of the intersections with the broader field of global education. Secondly, the article surveys the history of peace education, demonstrating the close interplay between women's activism and peace education. Finally, the article considers some of the effects of a gender-blind analysis of peace education for students, for teachers, and for our collective future. In conclusion, the article calls us to reconsider and include gender issues within peace and global education, and to broaden what we define as peace education.

Marietta Kies and Lucia Ames Mead were two late nineteenth-century thinkers who anticipated the late twentieth-century feminist \"ethic of care.\" Kies drew on Hegel's philosophy to develop a political theory of altruism. Ames Mead adopted Kant's theory of peace and established a pacifist theory based on international cooperation. Both Kies and Mead insisted that the prototypically \"feminine\" ideals they espoused are rational, not emotional, responses to modern political life, and are essential to good political practice. Kies was a member of the early Hegelian movement and Christian Socialist movement. Ames Mead was a member of the Woman's Peace Party and the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, and an early proponent of the League of Nations. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

Any revival is affected by the parlous state of liberalism. Ever since Ronald Reagan made \"liberal\" a dirty word, the heirs of the New Deal/Great Society have been running for political cover. Many found their camouflage in being \"progressive,\" but while they were in hiding, an unregenerate form of liberalism was making a comeback. Just as Franklin Roosevelt had stolen the liberal mantle in the 1930s to cloak state intervention in the garb of the dominant liberal tradition, now Reagan supporters stole it back. Liberalism, or at least neoliberalism, reverted to its original nineteenth century meaning of laissez-faire. The early Progressive era in the twentieth century began with a reaction against the consequences of the global capitalism of the Gilded Age. As money flowed around the world under the protection of the Gold Standard and the British navy, great imbalances arose in the forms of uneven development, big business, cycles of boom and bust, and extreme polarizations of wealth. The resulting suffering and dislocation engendered what Karl Polanyi described as a defensive reaction of society against the market. The whole spectrum of political forces was engaged, from socialists, anarchists and populists on the left to liberals and enlightened conservatives. In the U.S., progressivism emerged as part of this larger reaction. Espousing a new social ethos, social reformers such as Jane Addams called for new ethical standards that put social needs and world peace at the forefront. Speaking for the public interest over private interests, politicians such as Robert A. \"Fighting Bob\" La Follette of Wisconsin revitalized the tradition of Jeffersonian republicanism, and did battle with plutocracy and the dragon of economic imperialism. Demanding equal rights and love rights, feminists such as Crystal Eastman campaigned for women's rights as human rights. Embracing social reality over national myth and economic orthodoxy, journalists such as Lincoln Steffens and intellectuals such as John Dewey helped bring social realism into a culture wallowing in Victorian sentimentality. Against the grain of competition and independence, they stressed cooperation and interdependence.