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Public health researchers have begun to map the neighborhood \"food environment\" and examine its association with the risk of overweight and obesity. Some argue that \"food deserts\"-areas with little or no provision of fresh produce and other healthy food-may contribute to disparities in obesity, diabetes, and related health problems. While research on neighborhood food environments has taken advantage of more technically sophisticated ways to assess distance and density, in general, it has not considered how individual or neighborhood conditions might modify physical distance and thereby affect patterns of spatial accessibility. This study carried out a series of sensitivity analyses to illustrate the effects on the measurement of disparities in food environments of adjusting for cross-neighborhood variation in vehicle ownership rates, public transit access, and impediments to pedestrian travel, such as crime and poor traffic safety. The analysis used geographic information systems data for New York City supermarkets, fruit and vegetable markets, and farmers' markets and employed both kernel density and distance measures. We found that adjusting for vehicle ownership and crime tended to increase measured disparities in access to supermarkets by neighborhood race/ethnicity and income, while adjusting for public transit and traffic safety tended to narrow these disparities. Further, considering fruit and vegetable markets and farmers' markets, as well as supermarkets, increased the density of healthy food outlets, especially in neighborhoods with high concentrations of Hispanics, Asians, and foreign-born residents and in high-poverty neighborhoods.

On the sidewalks of Manhattan's Chinatown, you can find street vendors and greengrocers selling bright red litchis in the summer and mustard greens and bok choy no matter the season. The neighborhood supplies more than two hundred distinct varieties of fruits and vegetables that find their way onto the tables of immigrants and other New Yorkers from many walks of life. Chinatown may seem to be a unique ethnic enclave, but it is by no means isolated. It has been shaped by free trade and by American immigration policies that characterize global economic integration. InFrom Farm to Canal Street, Valerie Imbruce tells the story of how Chinatown's food network operates amid-and against the grain of-the global trend to consolidate food production and distribution. Manhattan's Chinatown demonstrates how a local market can influence agricultural practices, food distribution, and consumer decisions on a very broad scale. Imbruce recounts the development of Chinatown's food network to include farmers from multimillion-dollar farms near the Everglades Agricultural Area and tropical \"homegardens\" south of Miami in Florida and small farms in Honduras. Although hunger and nutrition are key drivers of food politics, so are jobs, culture, neighborhood quality, and the environment. Imbruce focuses on these four dimensions and proposes policy prescriptions for the decentralization of food distribution, the support of ethnic food clusters, the encouragement of crop diversity in agriculture, and the cultivation of equity and diversity among agents in food supply chains. Imbruce features farmers and brokers whose life histories illuminate the desires and practices of people working in a niche of the global marketplace. On the sidewalks of Manhattan's Chinatown, you can find street vendors and greengrocers selling bright red litchis in the summer and mustard greens and bok choy no matter the season. The neighborhood supplies more than two hundred distinct varieties of fruits and vegetables that find their way onto the tables of immigrants and other New Yorkers from many walks of life. Chinatown may seem to be a unique ethnic enclave, but it is by no means isolated. It has been shaped by free trade and by American immigration policies that characterize global economic integration. InFrom Farm to Canal Street, Valerie Imbruce tells the story of how Chinatown's food network operates amid-and against the grain of-the global trend to consolidate food production and distribution. Manhattan's Chinatown demonstrates how a local market can influence agricultural practices, food distribution, and consumer decisions on a very broad scale.Imbruce recounts the development of Chinatown's food network to include farmers from multimillion-dollar farms near the Everglades Agricultural Area and tropical \"homegardens\" south of Miami in Florida and small farms in Honduras. Although hunger and nutrition are key drivers of food politics, so are jobs, culture, neighborhood quality, and the environment. Imbruce focuses on these four dimensions and proposes policy prescriptions for the decentralization of food distribution, the support of ethnic food clusters, the encouragement of crop diversity in agriculture, and the cultivation of equity and diversity among agents in food supply chains. Imbruce features farmers and brokers whose life histories illuminate the desires and practices of people working in a niche of the global marketplace.

Iroquois maize farmers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries produced three to five times more grain per acre than wheat farmers in Europe. The higher productivity of Iroquois agriculture can be attributed to two factors. First, the absence of plows in the western hemisphere allowed Iroquois farmers to maintain high levels of soil organic matter, critical for grain yields. Second, maize has a higher yield potential than wheat because of its C4 photosynthetic pathway and lower protein content. However, tillage alone accounted for a significant portion of the yield advantage of the Iroquois farmers. When the Iroquois were removed from their territories at the end of the eighteenth century, US farmers occupied and plowed these lands. Within fifty years, maize yields in five counties of western New York dropped to less than thirty bushels per acre. They rebounded when US farmers adopted practices that countered the harmful effects of plowing.

Dr. Margaret Hamburg, nominated to be commissioner of the FDA, will take over an agency with serious systemic problems that need to be addressed urgently. Fixing the FDA will require a leader who is passionate about the agency and its mission. Dr. Susan Okie reports. A week before President Barack Obama's inauguration, the departing commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), oncologist Andrew von Eschenbach, compared the agency he has led for the past 3 years to a person with cancer. Responding to a new report critical of the FDA, von Eschenbach said, “It is a great shock and surprise when someone says you have cancer. . . . The truth of the matter is that the process has been going on for a long time before it becomes apparent.” 1 Von Eschenbach's metaphor, although startling, was apt: the new commissioner of the FDA will take over an . . .

The family that owns the company that makes OxyContin is calling a Massachusetts' lawsuit false and misleading. This is the Sackler family's first court response to allegations that individual family members helped fuel the deadly opioid epidemic. Attorneys for the Sackler family say the claims must be dismissed. Massachusetts was among the first state government to sue the family as well as the company last year.

This paper examines how two sites of adult learning in the food movement create educational alternatives to the dominant United States food system. It further examines how these pedagogies challenge racialised, classed and gendered ideologies and practices in their aims, curricular content, and publically documented educational processes. The first case is Growing Power, an urban farm which embraces small scale capitalism and vocational education as an end toward community food security, social and ecological justice, and anti-racist education. The second case, Tsyunhehkw^, is the 'integrated community food system' of the Oneida Nation in rural Wisconsin, centred on cultural decolonisation through the growing and eating of traditional Oneida foods. In both these projects, there are strong possibilities to teach a critical, social justice alternative to white, middle class norms and practices of food production and consumption. [Author abstract, ed]

Roger Horowitz, Jeffrey M. Pilcher, and Sydney Watts compare the shifting boundaries between state intervention and market liberalization in the meat trades of Paris, New York City, and Mexico City across three historical episodes: an old regime period characterized by paternalist intervention, a radical era of liberalization, and a period that reinstituted a regulatory regime. Their comparison of the same trade in three major cities reveals how different societies structured the regulation of economic activity. The authors use Ira Katznelson's notion of \"the grammar of liberalism\" to suggest that a useful strategy in comparative history is not to argue for exceptionalism but instead to identify points of similarity between different national cultures. They present the various configurations of market organization and consumer society as expressions of what they term \"market culture.\" First they explain the various ways that historians have employed market culture to capture the tension between economic rationality and the social relationships in which such concepts and practices are embedded; then they employ the concept as a tool to rethink economic and social processes and to focus on how consumer expectations and market regulation vary depending on particular goods and services. More generally, Horowitz, Pilcher, and Watts argue for the centrality of food as an important and revealing subject of historical inquiry. Their study demonstrates the insights that can come from subjecting longstanding issues like economic regulation to comparative analysis. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]