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\"During the Cold War, thousands of musicians from the United States traveled the world under the sponsorship of the U.S. State Department's Cultural Presentations program. Using archival documents and newly collected oral histories, this study illuminates the reception of these musical events, for the practice of musical diplomacy on the ground sometimes differed substantially from what the department's planners envisioned. Performances of music in many styles--classical, rock 'n' roll, folk, blues, and jazz--were meant to compete with traveling Soviet and Chinese artists, enhancing the reputation of American culture. These concerts offered large audiences evidence of America's improving race relations, excellent musicianship, and generosity toward other peoples. Most important, these performances also built meaningful connections with people in other lands. Through personal contacts and the media, musical diplomacy created subtle musical, social, and political relationships on a global scale. Although these tours were sometimes conceived as propaganda ventures, their most important function was the building of imagined and real relationships, which constitute the essence of soft power\"--Provided by publisher.

01 02 This book applies postcolonial theory to Russia by looking at it as a subaltern empire. It pushes postcolonial studies and constructivist International Relations towards an uneasy dialogue, which produces tensions and reveals multiple blind spots in both approaches. A critical re-evaluation of the existing literature enables the author to produce a comprehensive account of how Russia's position in the international system has conditioned its domestic development, and how this in turn generated specific foreign policy outcomes. Having internalised the Eurocentric worldview, Russia is nevertheless different from the core European countries. This difference is not determined by 'culture', but rather by uneven and combined development of global capitalism, in which Russia is integrated as a semi-peripheral nation. The Russian state has colonised its own periphery on behalf of the Western core, but has never been able to overcome economic and normative dependency on the West. The peculiar dialectic of the subaltern and the imperial during the post-Soviet period has given rise to a regime which claims to defend 'genuine Russian values', while in fact there is nothing behind this new traditionalism but the negation of Western hegemony. Trying to 'defend' the nation from the postulated threat of Western interventionism, the regime engages in a disavowal of politics and thus suppresses popular subjectivity. The only political subject that remains on the horizon of Russian politics is the West, while the Russian people, as any other subaltern, are being spoken for, and thus silenced, by the country's Eurocentric elites and the Western intellectuals. 02 02 Pushing postcolonial studies and constructivist International Relations towards an uneasy dialogue, this book looks at Russia as a subaltern empire. It demonstrates how the dialectic of the subaltern and the imperial has produced a radically anti-Western regime, which nevertheless remains locked in a Eurocentric outlook. 04 02 1. The Postcolonial and the Imperial in the Space and Time of World Politics 2. Russia in/and Europe: Sources of Ambiguity 3. Material Dependency: Postcolonialism, Development and Russia's 'Backwardness' 4. Normative Dependency: Putinite Paleoconservatism and the Missing Peasant 5 The People are Speechless: Russia, the West and the Voice of the Subaltern 6. Conclusion 13 02 Viatcheslav Morozov is Professor of EU-Russia Studies at the University of Tartu. Before moving to Estonia in 2010, he taught for thirteen years at the St Petersburg State University, Russia. He is the author of Russia and the Others: Identity and Boundaries of a Political Communit y and the editor of Decentring the West: The Idea of Democracy and the Struggle for Hegemony .

01 02 Like all professions, diplomacy has spawned its own specialized terminology and it is this lexicon which provides the thematic spine of this dictionary. The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Diplomacy also includes entries on legal terms and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written influentially about it over the last half millennium, as well as some on international organizations of special significance. This third edition has been updated with new entries, for example on e-diplomacy, Ottawa process, R2P, stovepiping, and transformational diplomacy. The result is an even tighter focus on the language of diplomacy, while making coverage of it even more comprehensive than before. Students of international politics and related subjects as well as junior members of diplomatic services can turn to this book for assistance in understanding the technicalities of diplomatic and associated language. 16 02 There is no real competition. The only possible candidate is Chas Freeman's Diplomat's Dictionary, but it is not a proper dictionary. Most of the entries consist entirely of quotations (some multiple ones), the author supplying his own text only when he could not find a definition with which he agreed elsewhere. There remain huge gaps, and there is very little cross-referencing between entries – instead there is a 100-page index which takes up more than 20 per cent of the book. In short, it is little more than a collection of aphorisms under alphabetically organized catchwords, interleaved with the occasional term defined by the author. The internet provides the strongest competition. There are a few excellent, specialized glossaries, e.g. on 'Eurospeak' and treaty terms (see http://untreaty.un.org/English/guide.asp#exchange). However, there are no good general pages and it is often extremely difficult to find crisp, authoritative definitions of technical terms.   Wikipedia is very patchy and its authority always questionable. 04 02 Preface to the First Edition Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the Third Edition Notes on Using the Dictionary The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Diplomacy Bibliography 13 02 G.R. BERRIDGE Emeritus Professor of International Politics at the University of Leicester, UK. His previous works include Talking to the Enemy (1994), Diplomacy: Theory and Practice, 4th edition (2010),and The Counter-Revolution in Diplomacy and Other Essays (2011). He was until the end of 2002 the General Editor of Palgrave Macmillan's Studies in Diplomacy Series. LORNA LLOYD is Senior Research Fellow at Keele University, UK. She has served as Convenor of BISA's Group on Diplomacy and has twice chaired the International Law Section of the ISA. Currently, she is on the committee of BISA's International History Group. She is Editor of Continuum's 'Key Studies in Diplomacy'. Her publications include Diplomacy with a Difference: The Commonwealth Office of High Commissioner 1880-2006 (2007). 19 02 Second edition of A Dictionary of Diplomacy , published in 2003, was highly successful Fully updated with new entries (for example e-diplomacy) and more traditional terms have been slimmed down Revised from a more 'British' dictionary to including more American and French terms Only one competing dictionary: Diplomat's Dictionary by former US diplomat Chas Freeman Regular updates and information on the Dictionary can be found on the G.R. Berridge's homepage 02 02 Indispensable for students of diplomacy and junior members of diplomatic services, this dictionary not only covers diplomacy's jargon but also includes entries on legal terms, political events, international organizations, e-Diplomacy, and major figures who have occupied the diplomatic scene or have written about it over the last half millennium. 31 02 This third edition of the highly successful Dictionary of Diplomacy has an even tighter focus on the language of diplomacy, while making coverage of it even more comprehensive than before 08 02 '...very useful, informative, and exceedingly well-written reference tool.' - Mark Y. Herring, American Reference Books Annual 'This dictionary will be of great benefit to all those who have to use or understand diplomatic terms - students and teachers of international relations, professional diplomats, and journalists.' - L. N Rangarajan, International Affairs 'This volume […] will demystify the language of diplomatic etiquette to students and casual readers alike.' - Malcolm Madden, Library, Royal Institute of International Affairs, UK 'The authors are to be commended in producing this dictionary. It will be extremely valuable to students, of course, but anyone interested in international relations will find it helpful in understanding the nature of modern diplomacy.' - Ian McGibbon, New Zealand International Review 'Most importantly...what remains unchanged is the value of this book as a reference source for anyone concerned with diplomacy...Libraries serving any of these clinet groups should obtain a copy.' - Tony Chalcraft, Reference Reviews

On the basis of the premise that China, besides being a powerful civilization and state, is also a powerful discourse, this essay will set forth, as a preliminary analytical step, a plausible definition of the ‘Chinese mind’ by describing certain essential characteristics that have been forged in China’s classical culture and thought. When placed in the more creative sphere of discourse construction, these essential characteristics become ideological compounds of the here theorized ‘discourse called China’, whose impact is weighed up as the focal analytical point in the discursive space of the PRC’s foreign policy and diplomacy.

First few months of Narendra Modi Government has created a series of historical milestones in India's engagement with the international community. [...]a clean India with modern infrastructure alone can make it more attractive to foreign manufacturing and technology firms.

Specifically, in the case of Bhutan, India pledged Rs. 45 billion for its eleventh five year plan. [...]not only did Modi unveil the foundation stone for the 600 MW Kholungchhu hydro power project being undertaken as an India-Bhutan joint venture, but the two countries also committed themselves to achieve a target of developing 10000 MW of hydropower in Bhutan. [...]India, apart from its efforts to beef up Vietnam's defence capabilities, is also set to engage in oil exploration activity in blocks offered by the latter, one of which is in waters disputed by China.

The countries in India's neighbourhood constitute a core area in India's foreign policy; however this area did not receive that much direct attention of the prime minister in the past. To Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Modi clearly conveyed the message that the Rajapakse government needs to deliver on the 13th Amendment and go beyond it, signalling continuity in the foreign policy.

[...]the Parus is sometimes referred to as the 'Tsikada Military' or 'Tsikada-M'. Recently, the Indian Prime Minister has suggested that India could make this 'product' available to other South Asian countries which have teamed up as a grouping for political and economic collaboration under the rubric of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). [...]China is providing complete access to their Compass (BeiDou-2) to the Pakistan military, probably as a part of their military collaboration.

The coming to power of a majority government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi opens up new possibilities in India's foreign policy and external relations. Increased national economic strength and political and social cohesiveness will translate into greater options in India's foreign policy, and a greater Indian impact on global affairs. [...]it is necessary to look at some of the key areas wherein domestic policy changes could affect foreign policy. [...]political support of the states, major political parties, and the public is important for a successful foreign policy, especially when dealing with neighbours.

[...]a few political parties and organisations, including select media houses in the neighbourhood, have been using this sentiment for their own narrow-minded mobilisation, and in the process have been hurting the larger bilateral relations. [...]besides identifying the countries, the new government also has to identify a few issues - from economy, trade, investment and environment as its core issues, and pursue a firm foreign policy towards the same.