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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the role of collaborative leadership in government digital transformation in the Sultanate of Oman. To analyze collaborative leadership, the research examines four exogenous variables: self-directed team, power-sharing, relational intelligence and agility. The endogenous variable chosen to represent Oman's e-Government performance is organizational performance. Design/methodology/approach A quantitative method was applied to gather cross-sectional data in a questionnaire survey. Using a stratified sampling technique, the data were collected from 100 information and communication technology and e-government officials who assume leadership responsibilities. Partial least square structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) examined measurement and structural models. Findings The role of collaborative leadership in the performance of government digital transformation in the Sultanate of Oman was examined in this study. Collaborative leadership was categorized into four exogenous variables: self-directed team, power-sharing, relational intelligence and agility. Oman’s e-government performance operationalized as the organizational performance was selected as the endogenous variable. The results show that the self-directed team and agility components of collaborative leadership significantly positively impacted the performance of government digital transformation in the Sultanate of Oman. Research limitations/implications The major limitation of this research was that the study covered only four collaborative leadership attributes: self-directed teams, power-sharing, relational intelligence and agility. The study should have covered building trust, commitment, emotional intelligence, vision and communication skills. Practical implications These results are important for government policy creators and decision-makers aiming to enhance government digital transformation performance by leveraging collaborative leadership. Social implications Addressing collaborative leadership in management can be done through awareness of its importance to critical decision-makers and embedding it in the organization's governance, policies and human resource career path. In particular, it is recommended that public sector leaders continuously monitor self-managing teams and teamwork practices within the organization. Originality/value The originality and contribution of the above article lie in its investigation of the role of collaborative leadership in the context of government digital transformation in the Sultanate of Oman. The study contributes to the existing literature by examining the impact of four exogenous variables, self-directed team, power-sharing, relational intelligence and agility, on collaborative leadership. Additionally, the research uses a quantitative approach and uses PLS-SEM to analyze the data. The findings highlight the significant positive impact of self-directed team and agility components of collaborative leadership on the performance of government digital transformation. These insights provide valuable implications for government policy creators and decision-makers aiming to enhance digital transformation in the public sector by effectively implementing collaborative leadership strategies.

Research indicates that affective polarization pervades contemporary democracies worldwide. Although some studies identify party leaders as polarizing agents, affective polarization has been predominantly conceptualized as a product of in-/out-party feelings. This study compares levels of party affective polarization (PAP) and leader affective polarization (LAP) cross-nationally, using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Applying like–dislike scales and an identical index to both concepts, we reveal that while the two strongly correlate, LAP is systematically lower than PAP. The United States emerges as an exceptional case, being the only country where LAP significantly exceeds PAP. Drawing on regime input/output and institutions as theoretical building blocks, we explore cross-national variations and show that the relative strength of LAP vis-à-vis PAP is increased by presidential regime type, poor government performance, and low party system fragmentation. The findings of this study contribute to the thriving research on affective polarization and personalization of politics.

The Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA) of 1993 provided a well-studied framework for U.S. federal performance management initiatives. In the aftermath of the update of GPRA in 2010 with the GPRA Modernization Act, the authors offer the first systematic scholarly assessment of the new legislation. Managerial use of performance data was an explicit goal of the Modernization Act, an objective that eluded prior federal reforms. The Modernization Act established a new series of performance routines to encourage performance information use. The analysis shows that as federal managers experience those routines, they are more likely to report using performance data to make decisions. Specifically, routines centered on the pursuit of cross-agency priority goals, the prioritization of a small number of agency goals, and data-driven reviews are all associated with higher rates of performance information use. The authors also find that managers in better-run data-driven reviews report greater use of performance data.

The goal of the book is to quickly acclimate new government executives to the world of public service as practiced in Washington, D.C. Part I of the book offers a straightforward to-do list to guide officials in their new leadership positions. Tips include how to act quickly on what can't wait, develop a vision and a focused agenda, and much more. Part II of the book provides short overviews of the fourteen stakeholders that government officials will most frequently encounter. These stakeholders include policy councils, Congress, unions, and the Government Accountability Office.

In this paper, we explain how presidents strategically invest in administrative capacity, noting that presidents have few incentives to invest effort in capacity building in most agencies. We test our account with two analyses. First, we examine the time it took for the Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden Administrations to nominate individuals to appointed positions. We find that presidents prioritize appointments to policy over management positions and that nominations occur sooner in agencies that implement presidential priorities. Second, we examine the responses of federal executives to the 2020 Survey on the Future of Government Service to see whether perceptions of presidential investment in administrative capacity match our predictions. We find that federal executives perceive higher levels of investment when the agency is a priority of the president and when the agency shares the president’s policy views. We conclude with implications for our understanding of the modern presidency and government performance.

According to the existing literature on public management, many factors affect popular satisfaction with the government (referred to as “government satisfaction”), one of which is the use of e-government. Particularly, many e-government proponents regard increasing government transparency as an important way to improve government satisfaction. To test the validity of this assertion, this paper uses an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression model to analyze survey data on individuals’ e-government usage frequencies in China and their satisfaction with the local government during the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that people can rationally and consciously evaluate governments and make decisions by using the government performance information that they know about. This conscious and rational process is also mixed with the impact of some irrational and emotional factors, which is consistent with the concept of the “framing effect.” This paper identifies local government transparency as the mediating variable in the relationship between the use of e-government and government satisfaction and public knowledge of local government performance in COVID-19 outbreak control as the moderating variable in the relationship between local government transparency and government satisfaction. Since the mediating effect of local government transparency is significantly different from those of overall and central government transparency, government transparency at different levels plays a role of the above-mentioned “frame.”