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This article offers an exemplary case of grand corruption in Mexico, narrating the story of how a series of actors and institutions at all levels collaborated to obtain favours, while dispossessing an agrarian community of its property rights, and replacing its elected Commissariat with a person of their choice, paying him the equivalent of US$3 million. This manoeuvre gave right of way to President Peña Nieto's interurban train, at the risk of ruining the community's water supply. The study argues that we should distinguish the concept of grand from that of petty corruption. It sees neopatrimonialism as a subtype of grand corruption, describing complex networks of actors across several institutions and levels, which operate the corrupt practices, with agency at all levels. President López Obrador won the 2018 election on a promise to fight corruption. This study illustrates the difficulties he will encounter trying to realize this promise, while suggesting that combatting impunity would constitute a promising start. Este artículo ofrece un caso ejemplar de gran corrupción en México. Narra la historia de cómo una serie de actores e instituciones de todos los niveles colaboraron para obtener favores, mientras despojaban de sus derechos de propiedad a una comunidad agraria y reemplazaban a su comisariado electo por una persona de su preferencia, pagándole el equivalente a 3 millones de dólares estadounidenses. Esta maniobra dió paso al tren interurbano del Presidente Peña Nieto, a riesgo de arruinar el suministro de agua de la comunidad. El estudio argumenta que debemos distinguir el concepto de gran corrupción del de corrupción menor. Considera el neopatrimonialismo como un subtipo de gran corrupción, que describe redes complejas de actores en varias instituciones y niveles, que operan bajo prácticas corruptas, con agencia en todos los niveles. El presidente López Obrador ganó las elecciones de 2018 con la promesa de luchar contra la corrupción. Este estudio ilustra las dificultades que encontrará al tratar de cumplir esta promesa, mientras sugiere que combatir la impunidad constituiría un comienzo prometedor.

Incoming governments sometimes abuse their power to manipulate the allocation of government contracts so as to buy loyalty from cronies. While scandals suggest such practices are relatively widespread, the extent of such partisan favoritism is difficult to measure and the conditions under which it flourishes under-theorized. Drawing on theory regarding the role of institutions as constraints on corruption, we identify three spheres of political influence over government contracting and show how elites can manipulate two of those spheres to increase their opportunities to influence the procurement process and minimize external accountability, facilitating the corrupt allocation of contracts to partisan allies. Using an innovative big data methodology, we then identify the effects of a change in government on procurement markets in two countries, Hungary and the United Kingdom, which differ in terms of political influence over these institutions. We find that politically-favored companies secure 50–60% of the central government contracting market in Hungary but only 10% in the UK.

This article argues that the concept of state capture helps to structure our understanding of patterns of grand corruption seen around the world in varied contexts, and increasingly even in countries once regarded as secure democracies. This article seeks to lay the groundwork for future empirical research into state capture in three areas. First, it situates the concept within a wider literature on corruption and describes how it relates to other similar terms, including regulatory capture and kleptocracy. Second, it elaborates on three pillars of activity that are subject to capture, and a variety of mechanisms through which state capture occurs. This provides a structure for the gathering of evidence on how capture plays out in different cases, and raises questions about the interactions among mechanisms and variation in sequencing. Third, the paper considers the impact of state capture on economic and social development, by outlining the ways in which it skews the distribution of power and potential long-term consequences for the allocation of rights and resources.

In order to address the lack of reliable indicators of corruption, this article develops a composite indicator of high-level institutionalised corruption through a novel ‘Big Data’ approach. Using publicly available electronic public procurement records in Hungary, we identify “red flags” in the public procurement process and link them to restricted competition and recurrent contract award to the same company. We use this method to create a corruption indicator at contract level that can be aggregated to the level of individual organisations, sectors, regions and countries. Because electronic public procurement data is available in virtually all developed countries from about the mid-2000s, this method can generate a corruption index based on objective data that is consistent over time and across countries. We demonstrate the validity of the corruption risk index by showing that firms with higher corruption risk score had relatively higher profitability, higher ratio of contract value to initial estimated price, greater likelihood of politicians managing or owning them and greater likelihood of registration in tax havens, than firms with lower scores on the index. In the conclusion we discuss the uses of this data for academic research, investigative journalists, civil society groups and small and medium business.

Recent protests against police brutality in Nigeria and the Arab Spring, which was sparked by an incident of police brutality in Tunisia, led to public demands that brought political reforms. This paper explores the question, how do citizens evaluate their government in regards to corruption? Using the Afrobarometer Wave 6 dataset, I investigate the relationship between the public's perception of police and upper-level government officials’ corruption in African countries. Due to lack of transparency, the public has no direct information from upper-level bureaucracy but can evaluate corruption of upper-level government officials through direct experience with police. My finding demonstrates that regardless of regime type, the corruption perception of police influences the corruption perception of upper-level government officials. The public cues to evaluate their government quality are likely derived from interactions with police. Therefore corruption perception of police can affect government legitimacy.

When do citizens tolerate corrupt, but competent, politicians? This paper formally establishes conditions under which citizens trade off corruption for competence. First, the regime has to be sufficiently democratic such that a corrupt politician has to be acceptable to a large enough coalition of citizens in order to stay in power. Second, institutions are such that the politician can more easily obtain rents by taking bribes in exchange for spending revenues on public goods, rather than by stealing the revenues outright: the former case can generate more public goods than the latter. Under these two conditions, competence sustains corruption, and vice-versa.

This volume provides an analytical framework and operational approaches needed for the implementation of results-based accountability. The volume makes a major contribution to the literature on public management and evaluation. Major subject areas covered in this book include: performance based accountability, e-government, legal and institutional framework to hold government to account; fighting corruption; external accountability and the role of supreme audit institutions on detecting fraud and corruption.

Grand corruption remains a devastating challenge in most part of the sub-Saharan Africa rendering developmental efforts continually negligible. Part of the explanations for this have been the domestic challenges of dysfunctional anti-corruption and legal institutions, most especially, the inability of these institutions to prosecute perpetrators effectually by allowing their trials to linger on. This paper examines some grounds on which the formation of International Anti-corruption Court (IACC) could be based to prosecute the past and future perpetrators. It submitted that given the global dimension of corrupt acts and the inability of sub-Saharan African countries to effectively tame this menace, beyond the criminalisation of corruption or regarding it as human rights issue by various international and regional legal instruments, the establishment of International Anti-corruption Court will intensify and make anti-corruption drive in sub-Saharan African countries more effective. The methodology adopted for the paper is qualitative and the gathered data from the secondary sources were subjected to content analysis.

PurposeThe purpose of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency.Design/methodology/approachThis research employs a historical and comparative case approach to explore patterns of grand corruption and their resolution. Primary and secondary data sources including court decisions, congressional records, journal articles and newspaper reports are used to construct the narratives for each case.FindingsTop-level executive agreements that do not require competitive public bidding provide an opportunity for grand corruption. Such agreements encourage the formation of corrupt rent-seeking relationships involving the selling firm, brokers, politicians and top-level government executives. Closure of cases of grand corruption is a serious problem that involves an incoherent and politically vulnerable prosecutorial and justice system.Originality/valueThis paper aims to contribute to research on grand corruption involving the executive branch in the Philippines, particularly in the procurement of large, foreign-funded government projects. It examines allegations of improprieties in government project contracting and the politics of resolving corruption scandals through the justice system.

Grand corruption - corruption investigative framework (CIF) - methodology to generate an approach for grand corruption research - case study centring on an Australian-led megaproject being built in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea - application of CIF - empirical layers that centre on transnational state-corporate power - ambiguity of civil society - structural inequalities - theoretical consequences of the findings - underpinning methodology.