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Marvel, based in New York, is owned by the Andrews Group, which in turn is a part of MacAndrews & Forbes, a holding company controlled by the financier Ronald O. Perelman, who is chairman of Revlon Inc. The Perelman interests bought Marvel in January 1989 from New World Entertainment. The company said Mr. [James E. Galton], who has led Marvel since 1975, was responsible for putting it in the dominant position in comic book publishing. The company publishes more than a million comic books annually and licenses its properties in the United States and abroad. Stan Lee, the creator of many Marvel characters, is chairman and publisher of Marvel Comics, a unit.

Who's been fighting crime, crawling up buildings, and has remained a college student (though now in graduate school) for the past 25 years? Spidy. That's the Amazing Spider-Man to the uninitiated comic book reader. In coming weeks, comic book readers will have to learn some new names from Marvel Comics Group, the creators of Spider-Man. The Manhattan-based comic book publisher is launching eight new titles under \"The New Universe\" line at 75 cents a copy. Publishing 500,000 copies monthly of each new title, Marvel expects New Universe to strengthen its position as the dominate force in the $175 million comic book industry. (excerpt)

In 1906, James McKeen Cattell, editor of Science, published a directory of men of science. American Men of Science was a collection of biographical sketches of thousands of men of science in the USA and was published periodically. It launched, and was used in, the very first systematic quantitative studies on science. Cattell used two concepts for his statistics: productivity, defined as the number of men of science a nation produces, and performance or merit, defined as scientific contributions to research as judged by peers. These are the two dimensions that still define measurement of scientific productivity today: quantity and quality. This paper analyzes the emergence of statistics on science and the very first uses to which they were put. It argues that the measurement of science emerged out of interest in great men, heredity and eugenics, and the contribution of eminent men to civilization. Among these eminent men were men of science, the population of whom was thought to be in decline and insufficiently appreciated and supported. Statistics on men of science thus came to be collected to document the case, and to contribute to the advancement of science and the scientific profession.

This chapter reads the titular sculptor in Henry James’s 1875 novel Roderick Hudson against American innovators of James’s own generation like Thomas Edison to critique cultural demands for mechanized efficiency and twenty-four-hour activity. Nineteenth-century theories of social degeneration by Francis Galton and George Miller Beard promoted the detrimental effects of industrial and technological advancement on artistic genius. James dramatizes this deterioration through a thematic tension of kinesis and stasis, in which the artist’s restlessness produces only immobile figures and the novel’s rapid motion culminates in untimely death, highlighting a moment in which American culture drove human bodies to collapse. Taking measure of the late nineteenth-century call for efficiency, Roderick Hudson forecasts the dangers of a culture that demands constant action.

This paper examines the \"Penelope\" episode in the context of contemporary ideas in the field of cognitive psychology, with particular reference to the categorization of individuals as \"verbal\" or \"visual\" thinkers, developed in the work of Francis Galton and others, a version of which may have been known to Joyce through Freud. The common conception of \"Penelope\" as a mentally spoken monologue is challenged, and it is proposed that it might rather be seen as a mentally visualized written text.

Don't worry, be happy, advises James Surowiecki. You make your choice, I'll make mine, and everything will work out. Because a group makes smarter choices than practically any individual, including experts, and the larger the group, the more likely it will make the right decision, Surowiecki argues in a new book, The Wisdom of Crowds (Doubleday). And he presents a host of examples that buttress his argument. Surowiecki begins by looking at a competition that British scientist Francis Galton came upon at a spring fair in 1907, where some 800 people tried their luck at guessing how much a live ox on display would weigh after it had been \"slaughtered and dressed.\" The analogy to a democratic vote suggested itself to Galton. \"The average competitor was probably as well fitted for making a just estimate of the dressed weight of the ox, as an average voter is of judging the merits of most political issues on which he votes,\" he later wrote. At the contest's end, Galton borrowed and analysed the entries. Many guesses were way off, but Galton found that the mean of all the guesses was 1,197 pounds. The slaughtered and dressed ox weighed 1,198 pounds.