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Since 1945, more people have been killed in armed conflicts than during the two World Wars. However nowadays, war is not global but local and is shaping as a civil confrontation with religious, ethnic or political undertones. In NATIONS ZERO we discover how new forms of civil conflicts have ravaged and sometimes are still plaguing countries such as Afghanistan, Bosnia, Colombia or Rwanda and the challenge of building a new nation when war is over.

This two-part documentary reveals how al-Qaeda used Bosnia as a training-ground, money-laundering centre and forward operating base during the brutal civil war of 1992-95. The veterans went on to attack New York, Washington DC, London, Madrid, Mombasa and Bali. The story also reveals how the people of Srebrenica were betrayed by the Sarajevo government in advance of the massacres of July 1995. SARAJEVO RICOCHET - A TOWN BETRAYED This documentary exposes the callous betrayal of the massacred men of Srebrenica - how they were sacrificed by their own government for a political objective. The widows, mothers and sisters of the men and boys who died near Srebrenica will never let the world forget the events of July 1995. The Serbs pulled the trigger, but the reasons for their brutal action has not been investigated. Now Bosnian Muslims themselves expose what really happened before, during and after what is been called `the European genocide of our time`. The Bosnian Muslim government was negotiating with the Serbs to exchange territory - Srebrenica for the suburbs of Sarajevo.

This segment of Sunday Morning talks about the arrest of former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, who is accused of masterminding the murder of more than 100,000 people during the war in Bosnia, along with the late Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and General Ratko Mladic.

Allen provides a compelling testimony and analysis of the horrifying phenomenon of “a military policy of rape for the purpose of genocide.” She examines the complexity of identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia through the accounts of rape/death camp survivors and those who work to help them. By turns personal, polemical, and informative, Rape Warfare is a lucid guide for anyone seeking to make sense of what is happening in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia.

Serb general Ratko Mladic knew that there would not be any NATO airstrikes when, in July 1995, his troops launched the attack on the Srebrenica enclave - which was protected by Dutch UN soldiers - and killed over eight thousand people. Six weeks earlier, the Clinton administration had decided not to carry out any further airstrikes on Serb targets 'for the time being'. Washington made that decision 'in silence'. The Dutch government at that time was left completely in the dark. On 28 May 1995 the Clinton administration decided to suspend the airstrikes against the Serbs. This decision was made after consultation by phone with the French President Chirac and the British Prime Minister Major. They urged the President of the United States to stop the airstrikes after hundreds of UN soldiers had been taken hostage. The Serbs had chained the blue helmets to strategic locations to avoid NATO bombings. The documentary will show, based on internal documents, that the Clinton administration made its decision 'in silence': ‘ ... make no public statement to that effect’ was the advice the President was given the next day.

In 1992 David Owen was appointed the EU Co-Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, working alongside the UN’s Co-Chairman, Cyrus Vance. The papers collected here provide fascinating primary source material and an insider’s account of the intense international political activity at that time, which culminated in the Vance-Owen Peace Plan (VOPP). At a time when the international community is looking again at whether and how the Dayton Accords and the 1995 division into two entities should be adjusted in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Owen highlights elements of the VOPP which are of continuing relevance and which can guide political debate and decisions in 2012 and thereafter. Sadly, Bosnia-Herzegovina is still deeply divided, a direct consequence of not imposing the VOPP. The book reminds the international community and the people of Bosnia-Herzegovina that a unified structure for their country is still achievable.

The fall of the United Nations 'safe area' of Srebrenica in July 1995 to Bosnian Serb and Serbian forces stands out as the international community's most egregious failure to intervene during the Bosnian war. It led to genocide, forced displacement and a legacy of loss. But wartime inaction has since spurred numerous postwar attempts to address the atrocities' effects on Bosnian society and its diaspora. Srebrenica in the Aftermath of Genocide reveals how interactions between local, national and international interventions - from refugee return and resettlement to commemorations, war crimes trials, immigration proceedings and election reform - have led to subtle, positive effects of social repair, despite persistent attempts at denial. Using an interdisciplinary approach, diverse research methods, and more than a decade of fieldwork in five countries, Lara J. Nettelfield and Sarah E. Wagner trace the genocide's reverberations in Bosnia and abroad. The findings of this study have implications for research on post-conflict societies around the world.

The book is about the peace implementation process in Bosnia-Herzegovina viewed, or interpreted reasonably, as a continuation of war by other means. Twenty years after the beginning of the Dayton peace accords, we need to summarize the results: the author shares the general agreement in public opinion, according to which the process is a failure. Pehar presents a broad, yet sufficiently detailed, view of the entire peace agreement implementation that preserves 'the state of war,' and thus encourages the war-prone attitudes in the parties to the agreement. He examines the political and narratological underpinnings to the process of the imposed international (predominantly USA) interpretation of the Dayton constitution and peace treaty as a whole. The key issue is the - perhaps only semi-consciously applied - divide ut imperes strategy. After nearly twenty years, the peace in document was not translated into a peace on the ground because, with regard to the key political and constitutional issues and attitudes, Bosnia remains a deeply divided society. The book concludes that the international supervision served a counter-purpose: instead of correcting the aberration and guarding the meaning that was originally accepted in the Dayton peace treaty, the supervision approved the aberration and imposed it as a new norm under the clout of 'the power of ultimate interpretation.'

In the aftermath of the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, the discovery of unmarked mass graves revealed Europe's worst atrocity since World War II: the genocide in the UN \"safe area\" of Srebrenica.To Know Where He Liesprovides a powerful account of the innovative genetic technology developed to identify the eight thousand Bosnian Muslim (Bosniak) men and boys found in those graves and elsewhere, demonstrating how memory, imagination, and science come together to recover identities lost to genocide. Sarah E. Wagner explores technology's import across several areas of postwar Bosnian society-for families of the missing, the Srebrenica community, the Bosnian political leadership (including Serb and Muslim), and international aims of social repair-probing the meaning of absence itself.

In July 1995, the Bosnian Serb Army commanded by General Ratko Mladic attacked the enclave of Srebrenica, a UN \"safe area\" since 1993, and massacred about 8,000 Bosniac men. While the responsibility for the massacre itself lays clearly with the Serb political and military leadership, the question of the responsibility of various international organizations and national authorities for the fall of the enclave is still passionately discussed, and has given rise to various rumors and conspiracy theories. Follow-up investigations by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and by several commissions have dissipated most of these rumors and contributed to a better knowledge of the Srebrenica events and the part played by the main local and international actors. This volume represents the first systematic, comparative analysis of those investigations. It brings together analyses from both the external standpoint of academics and the inside perspective of various professionals who participated directly in the inquiries, including police officers, members of parliament, high-ranking civil servants, and other experts. Evaluating how institutions establish facts and ascribe responsibilities, this volume presents a historiographical and epistemological reflection on the very possibility of writing a history of the present time.