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"German language Adverbials."
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Positions and Interpretations
The structural and semantic properties of adverbials represent a still poorly understood area of sentential syntax and semantics in Germanic languages. In particular, it is an open question which different adverbial usages need to be distinguished, which usages are tied to which syntactic positions, and how these different usage can be formally analyzed. Focussing on adverbial adjectives in German, this study provides detailed answers to these questions. By distinguishing between verb-related adverbials and event-related adverbials, the author provides a new analysis of the large class of adverbials traditionally labelled as manner adverbials. It is shown that the two different classes are linked to different syntactic positions, and formal analyses and derivations for the two different usages are developed. The book is therefore of interest not only to anyone working on the linguistics of German but also to all linguists working on the syntax-semantics interface and the formal analysis of adverbials.
eBook
Adverbial V3 in Early New High German? Construction(s) with So
This article presents a constructional analysis of the uses of left-peripheral so in Early New High German. This element is known as a resumptive element, which takes up an adverbial clause and integrates it into a main clause. While this seems a valid analysis for constructions with preposed adverbial clauses, it is not compatible when so is preceded by adverbs or main clauses. First, a quantitatively informed picture is presented. A network is proposed that centers around a prototype in which so connects a protasis and apodosis when so follows verb-final and verb-initial clauses. Second, it is argued that so following verb-second clauses is loosely connected to this network. Finally, it is considered whether and to what degree the use of so following adverbs should be analyzed in the same way as so following adverbial clauses. It is argued that patterns with adverbs are not in paradigmatic relation with adverbial clauses. Moreover, their function is different, as they are backward-oriented and take up earlier constituents.
Journal Article
Examining individual variation in learner production data: A few programmatic pointers for corpus-based analyses using the example of adverbial clause ordering
This study examines the variable positioning of a finite adverbial subordinate clause and its main clause with the subordinate clause either preceding or following the main clause in native versus nonnative English. Specifically, we contrast causal, concessive, conditional, and temporal adverbial clauses produced by German and Chinese learners of English with those produced by native speakers. We examined 2,362 attestations from the Chinese and German subsections of the International Corpus of Learner English (Granger, Dagneaux, Meunier, & Paquot, 2009) and from the Louvain Corpus of Native English Essays (Granger, 1998). All instances were annotated for the ordering, the subordinate clause type, the lengths of the main and subordinate clauses, the first language of the speakers, the conjunction used, and the file it originated from (as a proxy for the speaker producing the sentence so as to be able to study individual and lexical variation). The results of a two-step regression modeling protocol suggest that learners behave most nativelike with causal clauses and struggle most with conditional and concessive clauses; in addition, learners make more non-nativelike choices when the main and subordinate clause are of about equal length.
Journal Article
On the Syntax of Instrumental Clauses: The Case of Indem-Clauses in German
In this article, I examine the external and internal syntax of instrumental indem-clauses in German. As a subordidating conjunction, indem takes a finite TP as its complement and triggers verb final position. I provide evidence showing that instrumental indem-clauses can only operate on the content level and that they cannot be interpreted epistemically, nor can they modify a speech act. Furthermore, I argue that although indem-clauses are restricted to a particular interpretation, they can attach at two distinct heights in the matrix clause. If they are analyzed as central adverbial clauses, they attach as T[ense]P[hrase] adjuncts. If, on the other hand, instrumental indem-clauses are treated as peripheral adverbial clauses, they are taken to be J[udge]P[hrase] adjuncts. Main evidence for the analysis comes from: i) variable binding and Principle C effects, ii) movement to the left periphery of the matrix clause, and iii) licensing conditions of weak and strong root phenomena.
Journal Article
Converbs in heritage Turkish: A contrastive approach
Turkish expresses adverbial subordination predominantly by means of converb clauses. These are headed by nonfinite verbs, i.e. converbs, which have a converb suffix attached to the stem. The different converbs express different aspectual relations between the subordinate and the superordinate clause, and they can be modifying or non-modifying. We analyse data from speakers of Turkish as a heritage language in Germany and the U.S. as well as monolingual speakers of Turkish in Turkey. The data come from two age groups: adults and adolescents. We show that unlike in canonical Turkish, converbs in heritage Turkish can be multifunctional, meaning that they can express both simultaneity and causality, for example. Furthermore, we show that converbs in heritage Turkish can be both modifying and non-modifying. As possible factors which might be responsible for such variation, we discuss language contact, sociolinguistic differences between the speaker communities (Germany vs. the U.S.) and age of the speakers.
Journal Article
Processing tense/aspect-agreement violations on-line in the second language: A self-paced reading study with French and German L2 learners of English
In this article, we report the results of a self-paced reading experiment designed to investigate the question of whether or not advanced French and German learners of English as a second language (L2) are sensitive to tense/aspect mismatches between a fronted temporal adverbial and the inflected verb that follows (e.g. *Last week, James has gone swimming every day) in their on-line comprehension. The L2 learners were equally able to distinguish correctly the past simple from the present perfect as measured by a traditional cloze test production task. They were also both able to assess the mismatch items as less acceptable than the match items in an off-line judgment task. Using a self-paced reading task, we investigated whether they could access this knowledge during real-time processing. Despite performing similarly in the explicit tasks, the two learner groups processed the experimental items differently from each other in real time. On-line, only the French L2 learners were sensitive to the mismatch conditions in both the past simple and the present perfect contexts, whereas the German L2 learners did not show a processing cost at all for either mismatch type. We suggest that the performance differences between the L2 groups can be explained by influences from the learners’ first language (L1): namely, only those whose L1 has grammaticized aspect (French) were sensitive to the tense/aspect violations on-line, and thus could be argued to have implicit knowledge of English tense/aspect distinctions.
Journal Article
The position of the Old Frisian system of adverbs of degree within early West Germanic
It is disputed whether Old Frisian should be grouped with the ‘Old’ Germanic languages or the ‘Middle’ Germanic ones. However, a divide in linguistic conservativity exists between earlier and later manuscripts, which also correlates with a conspicuous dialectal variation between East and West. One aspect related to this problem of periodisation that has not yet been studied is the system of adverbs of degree, even though differences have been observed between the Old and Middle West Germanic languages in this respect. Using data from two corpora, the present study documents the Old Frisian adverbial system. A link is found with Old English and Old Saxon through the presence of swīthe (‘strongly’), but the Old West Frisian system overall is comparable to Middle Dutch and Middle Low German, making it Middle. The Old East Frisian situation, however, remains less clear. An implication of this study is that adverbs of degree and their usage patterns are highly susceptible to language contact.
Journal Article
Adjuncts in control theory: a scope-based approach
This paper presents a theoretical approach to adjunct control in German and English participial clauses. Based on a corpus study of 1600 non-finite adverbial clauses with a participial head in German and English, we argue that there is a clear correlation between the syntactico-semantic scope of a participial adjunct and its control status: while adjuncts modifying the event generally display obligatory control (OC), adjuncts modifying the matrix proposition or utterance occur with non-obligatory control (NOC). To capture this theoretically, we analyse OC as an upward Agree relation between a matrix argument and PRO, as also suggested in other recent approaches to control. Since this Agree relation can only be established without further ado when the adjunct is in the c-command domain of a matrix argument, OC is restricted to adjuncts in the verbal domain. For adjuncts above T, an NOC relation is established, which is licensed by a salient perceiver or referent that is syntactically encoded in the C-domain. Thus, we argue that the syntactic height of an adjunct is crucial for its control status and that OC and NOC are generally in complementary distribution in adjuncts. However, in contrast to previous work, we suggest that the control relation is established phase-wise, which leaves room for a certain amount of flexibility if the first potential goal is not a suitable controller.
Journal Article
Frequency at the syntax–discourse interface: A bidirectional study on fronting options in L1/L2 German and L1/L2 English
The present study investigates whether second language (L2) speakers are sensitive to the information-structural constraints and frequency distributions at the syntax–discourse interface in the L2. L1-German–L2-English and L1-English–L2-German speakers completed a speeded naturalness judgment task. For sentences presented in broad or narrow-focus contexts, they judged the naturalness of fronted locative (LP) and temporal (TP) adverbial phrases and fronted objects in both English and German. English and German differ in the frequency with which they employ these constructions. With high-frequency fronted-LP and TP sentences, both the L2 English and L2 German speakers exhibited equivalent judgments as their L1 counterparts, in spite of differences in the perceived naturalness and relative frequency of these constructions in English vs. German. Like L1 speakers, L2 English and L2 German speakers also judged the less-frequent fronted objects as more natural in narrow-focus than broad-focus contexts, showing successful acquisition at the syntax–discourse interface. However, they judged fronted object sentences as more natural overall than their respective L1 counterparts in both English and German. Together, these findings suggest that convergence at the L2 syntax–discourse interface is possible per se, but that lower construction frequency in the input entails persistent overgeneralization of non-canonical options in the L2.
Journal Article