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Musician and music historian Sean MacLeod surveys the hundreds of girl groups that appeared not only in the United States but also in Great Britain during the early 1960s. This study corrects the neglect of their critical contribution of popular music history by exploring the social and political climate from which the girl groups emerged and their effect, in turn, on local and national music and culture. MacLeod organizes his argument around seven leading girl groups: The Shirelles, The Crystals, The Ronettes, The Marvelettes, The Vandellas, the Supremes and The Shangri-Las. These seven \"sister\" groups serve as the basis for a broader look at the many girl groups of the period, offering a roadmap through the work of the many stakeholder--the singers, songwriters, producers, and record labels--that the girl group phenomenon made possible. MacLeod also reviews the significant influence girl groups had on the many male bands of the 1960s, as well as their influence on the post-'60s movements, from punk to new wave, ultimately serving as the template for the girl groups and all-girl bands that emerged in the 1980s. Finally, The Leaders of the Pack brings us to the present as MacLeod compares the original girl groups with female performers of today, drawing lines of connection and contrast between them.

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The purpose of the study is to examine, through interviews and observations, the extent to which 8–10 year old children in a London primary school replicate gendered musical practices and experience gendered musical meanings, and how these may affect their expectations and the specific practices and products of their composition. I also consider how primary school teachers participate in the overarching discourse on gender and music education, by examining their expectations about the nature of girls' and boys' compositions. I analyse my findings in relation to Lucy Green's model of gendered musical meaning and experience. One outcome of the analysis is the development of a concept of ‘female musical subculture’ to interpret girls' and women's participation in the compositional world. Secondly, the findings strongly suggest that in their musical practice, the children in the research are not reproducing ideological assumptions about gendered musical practices, which contradicts how they operate discursively, for their discourse lies within the bounds of gendered musical ideology. Thirdly, the findings also indicate that the teachers are strongly affected by gendered musical ideologies, and have concomitant expectations about the music girls and boys produce.

1.1 ZULU ORAL TRADITIONSMusic-making is an integral part of African culture. Children pass their time singing and dancing. This they learn at an early age by listening to their brothers, sisters and elders and by watching them dance. In this way, children also learn to sing and dance.Singing and dancing form a large part of African traditional way of life. The songs reflect the customs, beliefs, values, manners, knowledge, art and aesthetics of rural people. These songs are orally transmitted. The oral traditions are not merely residual forms of an earlier culture, but have a dynamic emergent nature that allows them to be used within today's idiom to express present conflicts.The children's action songs studied reveal great transformation. According to Lord (1987 63), this is because 'tradition is not a thing of the past but a living and dynamic process which began in the past, flourishes in the present and looks forward into the future'. New songs, new forms of dances, text, have emerged.Songs are a large part of the oral traditions which include , praise-poems, riddles, proverbs and tales. These are oral forms that have been verbally transmitted from generation to generation. Literature forms part of the perpetual human communication system, and when the language is used with particular care in terms of images and words chosen, it can be said to represent an artistic expression.Much of the interest in oral forms has been their collection. In the study of folklore, analysts. have moved from an evolutionary and romantic model to performance situations in urban context. Dundes (1965 : 1-3) defines the term folklore in two separate parts. He says that'folk' can refer to any group of people wpo share at least one common- factor. It does not matter what the linking factor is ••. but what is important is that the group will have some traditions which it calls its own.Dundes then defines 'lore' as traditions which are orally transmitted. But he points out that the oral transmission criterion is not sufficient, as not everything that is orally transmitted can be called folklore, and not all folkloristic items are necessary orally transmitted.Since this is not a theoretical study, I simply call the songs under discussion oral because that is how they are composed and delivered.According to Abarry (1989 : 202), 'African children's oral verse seem to have attracted little systematic study from scholars' • It is this claim that has given rise to this work. It is so true that little has been done in this field. Finnegan Ruth in her Oral Literature in Africa (1970), provides some theoretical insights useful to the study of children's songs. Masiea (1973) did a descriptive study of traditional games of the BaSotho, white Weinberg in her Hlabelela Mntwanami (1984) provided text and music of different categories, from cradle songs to songs of ancestral spirits.Bill (1988) in her MA dissertation The Prosody of Tsonga Children's Oral Poetry has taken a performance-based approach to explore the prosody of the oral genre of children's traditional poetry in Tsonga.