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This multidisciplinary collection fills a gap in First World War scholarship, revealing the diversity and richness of women's and girls' wartime experiences in Canada and Newfoundland.

In this fascinating study of sexuality, family, and the law, historian Joan Sangster focuses on key issues that drew women into the courts, as plaintiffs and defendants: incest and sexual abuse, wife assault, prostitution, female delinquency, and the unique 'colonization of the soul' that Aboriginal women had to endure before the law.

Taking Medicine challenges traditional understandings of colonial medicine by bringing to light the healing work of Aboriginal and settler women in southern Alberta.

Women are currently the majority of U.S. college students and of those receiving a bachelor's degree, but were 39 percent of undergraduates in 1960. We use three longitudinal data sets of high school graduates in 1957, 1972, and 1992 to understand the narrowing of the gender gap in college and its reversal. From 1972 to 1992 high school girls narrowed the gap with boys in math and science course taking and in achievement test scores. These variables, which we term the proximate determinants, can account for 30 to 60 percent of the relative increase in women's college completion rate. Behind these changes were several others: the future work expectations of young women increased greatly between 1968 and 1979 and the age at first marriage for college graduate women rose by 2.5 years in the 1970s, allowing them to be more serious students. The reversal of the college gender gap, rather than just its elimination, was due in part to the persistence of behavioral and developmental differences between males and females.

Relative to developed countries and some parts of the developing world, most notably sub-Saharan Africa, there are far fewer women than men in India and China. It has been argued that as many as a 100 million women could be missing. The possibility of gender bias at birth and the mistreatment of young girls are widely regarded as key explanations. We provide a decomposition of these missing women by age and cause of death. While we do not dispute the existence of severe gender bias at young ages, our computations yield some striking new findings: (1) the vast majority of missing women in India and a significant proportion of those in China are of adult age; (2) as a proportion of the total female population, the number of missing women is largest in sub-Saharan Africa, and the absolute numbers are comparable to those for India and China; (3) almost all the missing women stem from disease-by-disease comparisons and not from the changing composition of disease, as described by the epidemiological transition. Finally, using historical data, we argue that a comparable proportion of women was missing at the start of the 20th century in the United States, just as they are in India, China, and sub-Saharan Africa today.

I broke all the rules that my dad gave me. It was he who had given me, in part, the confidence to think of my life as being worthy to mix with those of the geniuses. —Heather O’Neill With generosity and wry humour, novelist Heather O’Neill recalls several key lessons she learned in childhood from her father: memories and stories about how crime does pay, why one should never keep a diary, and that it is good to beware of clowns, among other things. Her father and his eccentric friends—ex-bank robbers and homeless men—taught her that everything she did was important, a belief that she has carried through her life. O’Neill’s intimate recollections make Wisdom in Nonsense the perfect companion to her widely praised debut novel, Lullabies for Little Criminals (HarperCollins). Introduction by Kit Dobson.

During the period of the expansion and consolidation of the fruit and vegetable industry between about 1880 and 1945, seasonal work in the fields, orchards, packing houses and canneries of the Niagara Peninsula was performed by two main groups of marginalized workers: immigrant women and adolescents of eastern and southern European origin, and indigenous families. Contemporaries believed that these groups were inherently suited for the long hours, physical demands and low wages that characterized such work that those with greater options avoided. Such racial classification restricted their access to year-round, better-paid and cleaner work. That it was largely performed by minority groups, in turn, derogated such seasonal labour. During the two world wars, a radically different group of workers entered Niagara's agricultural workforce: middle-class, Anglo-Canadian girls and women, most often labelled farmerettes. By comparing minority workers and farmerettes in Niagara's fruit and vegetable industry the study sheds light on a little-studied sector of Canada's workforce. The willingness of the state and growers to improve working conditions generally deemed perfectly acceptable for \"foreigners\" and \"Indians,\" for the benefit of farmerettes, illustrates the workings of a racialized hierarchy in Canada's labour market with great clarity. At the same time, the limit on wages even for the privileged farmerettes simultaneously demonstrates the depth and endurance of gender-based inequality in the workforce. Au cours de la période de l'expansion et la consolidation de l'industrie des fruits et légumes entre environ 1880 et 1945, le travail saisonnier dans les champs, les vergers, les maisons d'emballage et les conserveries de la péninsule du Niagara a été réalisé par deux principaux groupes de travailleurs marginalisés : les femmes et adolescents immigrants d'origine européenne orientale et australe et les familles autochtones. Les contemporains croyaient que ces groupes étaient intrinsèquement adaptés pour les longues heures, les exigences physiques et les bas salaires qui caractérisent un tel travail que ceux qui ont plus d'options ont évité. Cette classification raciale restreint leur accès au travail toute l'année, mieux rémunéré et plus propre. Qu'il soit en grande partie réalisé par des groupes minoritaires, à son tour, dérogeait cette main-d'oeuvre saisonnière. Pendant les deux guerres mondiales, un groupe radicalement différent des travailleuses est entré dans la main-d'oeuvre agricole de Niagara : la classe moyenne, les filles et les femmes anglo-canadiennes, le plus souvent appelées fermières. En comparant les travailleurs des minorités et les fermières dans l'industrie des fruits et légumes de Niagara, l'étude met en lumière un secteur de la main-d'oeuvre du Canada peu étudié. La volonté de l'État et les producteurs d'améliorer les conditions de travail généralement considéré comme parfaitement acceptable pour les « étrangers » et « Indiens » au profit des fermières et illustre le fonctionnement d'une hiérarchie racialisée dans le marché du travail du Canada avec une grande clarté. En même temps, la limite sur les salaires, même pour les fermières privilégiées démontre simultanément la profondeur et l'endurance de l'inégalité entre les sexes dans la population active.

The study shows that the crisis of war reinforced pre-existing social and economic inequality based on racist views and practices. War-induced anxieties intensified suspicion of \"foreigners\" - a term which encompassed large numbers of Canadian-born and naturalized people of Japanese, central, eastern, and southern European descent and Jews - as unpatriotic, disloyal, radical, and incapable of becoming truly Canadian. The war also brought sharply into focus and even intensified racist assumptions that African Canadians, eastern and southern Europeans, and Native people were suitable only for menial jobs; that Jewish, Chinese, and Japanese Canadians were economically aggressive; and that Jews in particular were given to shady practices. Such racist stereotypes in turn legitimized the ongoing marginalization of these minorities in the workforce. The state colluded in racist practices. To be sure not all state officials or all Canadians were racist, but the pragmatism that informed official complicity with employment discrimination underscores the pervasiveness of racism in wartime Canada. State officials - some of whom held racist ideas - were willing to accept employers' and workers' racist preferences because they believed that to do otherwise would create social unrest and disrupt war industries. Moreover, officials found that the relegation of minority groups such as Chinese Canadians, Japanese Canadians, and Native people to menial work offered the important benefit of filling jobs that Canadians with wider options avoided. /// L'étude montre que la crise entrainée par la guerre a renforcé l'inégalité sociale et économique existante basée sur les opinions et les pratiques racistes. Les anxiétés provoquées par la guerre ont en effet intensifié la suspicion des \" étrangers \" - un terme qui englobe un grand nombre de personnes nées au Canada ou naturalisées, d'origine japonaise, européenne (du centre, de l'est ou du sud) et juive. Ces indidious ont été perçus comme peu patriotiques, déloyaux, radicaux et incapables de devenir de vrais Canadiens. La guerre a brusquement ravivé et même intensifié les préjugés racistes que les Canadiens d'origine africaine, européenne (de l'est et du sud) et les Autochtones ne convenaient pas aux travaux manuels; que les Canadiens d'origine juive, chinoise et japonaise étaient économiquement agressifs; et que les juifs en particulier s'adonnaient aux pratiques louches. De tels stéréotypes racistes, à leur tour, ont rendu légitime la marginalisation permanente de ces minorités dans le monde du travail. L'État a contribué aux pratiques racistes. Il est certain que tous les représentants de l'État et tous les Canadiens n'étaient pas racistes. Mais la discrimination en matière d'emploi et la complicité des autorités à cet effet soulignent l'omniprésence du racisme au Canada pendant la guerre. Les représentants de l'État - certains d'entre eux avaient des idées racistes - étaient prêts à accepter les préférences racistes des employeurs et des travailleurs car ils avaient peur de provoquer des troubles sociaux et d'interrompre la production des industries de guerre. De plus, les représentants se sont rendus compte que la relégation aux travaux manuels des groupes minoritaires, tels que les Canadiens d'origine chinoise et japonaise et les Autochtones, offrirait l'important avantage de combler les emplois que les Canadiens évitaient parce qu'ils avaient plus d'options.

This essay provides a selective overview of the Canadian historiography on family. The roots of family history not only extend backwards much further than the \"new social history\" born of the tumultuous 1960s, they are buried deep in several other disciplines, most notably sociology, anthropology, and demography, whose practitioners were concerned as much with the historical process of family change as with the state of families contemporary to their times. I consider how pioneering social scientists, by grappling with the family's relationship to structural change, historicized early 20th century family studies and offered up many of the questions, concepts, theories, and methods that continue to inform historical scholarship on families. Turning to the body of historical publications that followed in the wake of, and were often inspired by, the \"new social history,\" I highlight the monograph studies that served as signposts in the field's development, especially for what they have revealed about the critical nexus of family, work, and class. The historiography mirrors the family's history: \"family\" consists of so many intricately plaited strands that separating them out is frustrating and often futile. I have attempted to classify this material both topically and chronologically within broad categories, but the boundaries blur so that most of these works could fit as comfortably in several others. Many of them, in fact, will be recognized as important contributions to fields such as labour, ethnic, women's, or gender history rather than as works of family history per se. /// Cet article donne un aperçu de l'historiographie canadienne sur la famille. Les racines de l'histoire de la famille non seulement reviennent en arrière beaucoup plus que la \" nouvelle histoire sociale \" née des années 1960, elles sont enterrées en profondeur dans plusieurs autres disciplines, notamment la sociologie, l'anthropologie et la démographie, dont les praticiens se préoccupaient du processus historique des changements de la famille ainsi que de la situation actuelle des familles contemporaines. Je considère comment les scientistes sociaux avant-gardistes, en étudiant les relations de la famille avec les changements structuraux, ont inclus dans notre histoire les études de la famille du 20e siècle et présenté de nombreux concepts, questions, théories et méthodes qui continuent à renseigner les chercheurs historiens sur les familles. En ce qui concerne les publications historiques qui ont suivi, la plupart étaient souvent inspirées par la \" nouvelle histoire sociale \". Je tiens à souligner les études monographiques qui ont servi de points de repère dans le domaine du développement du champ, en particulier en ce qui a trait aux critiques essentielles de la famille, du travail et de la classe. L'historiographie reflète l'histoire de la famille dont la notion consiste en nombreuses subtilités qui séparent les unes des autres est souvent frustrante et inutile. J'ai essayé de classifier ce matériel à la fois topique et chronologique dans des catégories plus grandes, mais les limites se chevauchent et la plupart des oeuvres peuvent s'intégrer dans plusieurs catégories en même temps. En réalité, beaucoup de ces oeuvres seront reconnues comme des contributions importantes aux domaines divers tels que le travail, l'ethnie, la femme ou l'histoire du genre plutôt que comme des oeuvres de l'histoire de la famille uniquement.