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In Global Inequality and American Foreign Policy in the 1970s , Michael Franczak demonstrates how Third World solidarity around the New International Economic Order (NIEO) forced US presidents from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan to consolidate American hegemony over an international economic order under attack abroad and lacking support at home. The goal of the nations that supported NIEO was to negotiate a redistribution of money and power from the global North to the global South. Their weapon was control over the major commodities-in particular oil-that undergirded the prosperity of the United States and Europe after World War II. Using newly available archival sources, as well as interviews with key administration officials, Franczak reveals how the NIEO and \"North-South dialogue\" negotiations brought global inequality to the forefront of US national security. The challenges posed by NIEO became an inflection point for some of the greatest economic, political, and moral crises of 1970s America, including the end of golden age liberalism and the return of the market, the splintering of the Democratic Party and the building of the Reagan coalition, and the rise of human rights in US foreign policy in the wake of the Vietnam War. The policy debates and decisions toward the NIEO were pivotal moments in the histories of three ideological trends-neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and human rights-that formed the core of America's post-Cold War foreign policy.

This set of essays brings together studies that challenge interpretations of the development of modernist architecture in Third World countries during the Cold War. The topics look at modernism’s part in the transnational development of building technologies and the construction of national and cultural identity. Architectural modernism is far more than another instance of Western expansionist aspirations; it has been developed in cross-cultural spaces and variously localized into nation-building programs and social welfare projects. The first volume to address countries right across the developing world, this book has a key place in the historiography of modern architecture, dealing with non-Western traditions. \"Third World Modernism is a book which makes tremendous strides toward imagining a multivalent history of architecture sensitive to the particularities of place and the rich diversity of actors that produce it. The several examples of fine-grained historical research not only fill a void in the literature on the built environment, but systematically disassemble the certainties and centralities undergirding disciplinary readings of modernism.\" - Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review Duanfang Lu is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Architecture, Design and Planning at the University of Sydney and author of Remaking Chinese Urban Form: Modernity, Scarcity and Space, 1949–2005 . 1. Introduction: Architecture, Development, and Identity Part 1: The Will of the Age 2. The Other Way Around: The Modernist Movement in Brazil 3. Contesting Modernism in Morocco 4. Agrupacion Espacio and the CIAM Peru Group: Architecture and the City in the Peruvian Modern Project Part 2: Building the Nation 5. Campus Architecture as Nation Building: Israeli Architect Arieh Sharon’s Obademi Awolowo University Campus, Ile-Ife, Nigeria 6. Modernity and Revolution: The Architecture of Ceylon’s 20 th Century Exhibitions 7. This Is Not an American House: Good Sense Modernism in 1950s Turkey Part 3: Entangled Modernities 8. Modernity Transfers: The MoMA and Postcolonial India 9. Building a (Post)Colonial Technoscientific Network: Tropical Architecture, Building Science and the Politics of Decolonization 10. Otto Koenigsberger and the Tropicalization of British Architectural Culture 11. Epilogue: Third World Modernism, or Just Modernism: Towards a Cosmopolitan Reading of Modernism

Soul Power is a cultural history of those whom Cynthia A. Young calls \"U.S. Third World Leftists,\" activists of color who appropriated theories and strategies from Third World anticolonial struggles in their fight for social and economic justice in the United States during the \"long 1960s.\" Nearly thirty countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America declared formal independence in the 1960s alone. Arguing that the significance of this wave of decolonization to U.S. activists has been vastly underestimated, Young describes how literature, films, ideologies, and political movements that originated in the Third World were absorbed by U.S. activists of color. She shows how these transnational influences were then used to forge alliances, create new vocabularies and aesthetic forms, and describe race, class, and gender oppression in the United States in compelling terms. Young analyzes a range of U.S. figures and organizations, examining how each deployed Third World discourse toward various cultural and political ends. She considers a trip that LeRoi Jones, Harold Cruse, and Robert F. Williams made to Cuba in 1960; traces key intellectual influences on Angela Y. Davis's writing; and reveals the early history of the hospital workers' 1199 union as a model of U.S. Third World activism. She investigates Newsreel, a late 1960s activist documentary film movement, and its successor, Third World Newsreel, which produced a seminal 1972 film on the Attica prison rebellion. She also considers the L.A. Rebellion, a group of African and African American artists who made films about conditions in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles. By demonstrating the breadth, vitality, and legacy of the work of U.S. Third World Leftists, Soul Power firmly establishes their crucial place in the history of twentieth-century American struggles for social change.

A leading authority on economic globalization argues that industrialization in the core countries of northwest Europe and its overseas settlements combined with a worldwide revolution in transportation to produce deindustrialization and an antiglobal backlash in industrially lagging poorer countries.

It has long been recognized that as societies modernize, they experience significant changes in their patterns of health and disease. Despite rapid modernization across the globe, there are relatively few detailed case studies of changes in health and disease within specific countries especially for sub-Saharan African countries. This paper presents evidence to illustrate the nature and speed of the epidemiological transition in Accra, Ghana’s capital city. As the most urbanized and modernized Ghanaian city, and as the national center of multidisciplinary research since becoming state capital in 1877, Accra constitutes an important case study for understanding the epidemiological transition in African cities. We review multidisciplinary research on culture, development, health, and disease in Accra since the late nineteenth century, as well as relevant work on Ghana’s socio-economic and demographic changes and burden of chronic disease. Our review indicates that the epidemiological transition in Accra reflects a protracted polarized model. A “protracted” double burden of infectious and chronic disease constitutes major causes of morbidity and mortality. This double burden is polarized across social class. While wealthy communities experience higher risk of chronic diseases, poor communities experience higher risk of infectious diseases and a double burden of infectious and chronic diseases. Urbanization, urban poverty and globalization are key factors in the transition. We explore the structures and processes of these factors and consider the implications for the epidemiological transition in other African cities.

In Global Inequality and American Foreign Policy in the 1970s , Michael Franczak demonstrates how Third World solidarity around the New International Economic Order (NIEO) forced US presidents from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan to consolidate American hegemony over an international economic order under attack abroad and lacking support at home. The goal of the nations that supported NIEO was to negotiate a redistribution of money and power from the global North to the global South. Their weapon was control over the major commodities-in particular oil-that undergirded the prosperity of the United States and Europe after World War II. Using newly available archival sources, as well as interviews with key administration officials, Franczak reveals how the NIEO and \"North-South dialogue\" negotiations brought global inequality to the forefront of US national security. The challenges posed by NIEO became an inflection point for some of the greatest economic, political, and moral crises of 1970s America, including the end of golden age liberalism and the return of the market, the splintering of the Democratic Party and the building of the Reagan coalition, and the rise of human rights in US foreign policy in the wake of the Vietnam War. The policy debates and decisions toward the NIEO were pivotal moments in the histories of three ideological trends-neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and human rights-that formed the core of America's post-Cold War foreign policy.

Globalization, Utopia, and Postcolonial Science Fiction: New Maps of Hope explores the aesthetic and historical conditions that inform the recent convergence of the seemingly incommensurable domains of the postcolonial Third World and the genre of SF, particularly as expressed in the recent phenomenon of visionary SF narratives originating from postcolonial national cultures. Offering a materialist theorization of this surge of Third-World science fiction supported by careful and penetrating close readings, the book considers its formal emergence as representing a definitive shift in postcolonial literary and cultural production that finds its material provenance in the political, economic, and spatial dilemmas of globalization and its ideological vitality in the enduring project of utopian thought for the post-contemporary present.

IN \"THE SPECTRE OF THE MANIFESTO: Classical Marxism and Its Discontents,\" Verity Burgmann's central argument is that Classical Marxism's \"tendency to be overawed by the dynamism of capital\" means that \"it cannot succour resistance to globalization.\" It is a sweeping condemnation, one that immediately requires the reader to ask why it is the role of Classical Marxism to lead the charge against globalization. Given Burgmann's argument that Classical Marxism has been unfit to do this ever since Marx and Engels published The Communist Manifesto, we understand that failure has been on the cards ever since they were dealt. Burgmann leaves Classical Marxism eviscerated and bleeding on the ground, its early promise draining away.

This study examines how firms with scarce market and non-market resources can succeed in internationalizing, even in a host country that lacks trade and diplomatic relationships with the firms’ home country. With a hand-collected, historical database of the Spanish publishing industry’s investments in Mexico over the 20th century, we find that in a context of suspension of bilateral trade agreements and diplomatic relationships between Spain and Mexico, Spanish publishing firms leveraged Spanish emigrants to internationalize in the Mexican market, initially through exports, then through distribution and local commercial subsidiaries, and finally through local production. Spanish publishers progressively used emigrants to develop social and cultural support, to help establish formal and informal rules, procedures, and norms of institutions and to lobby in Mexico. Combining historical and inductive analyses, we offer a novel perspective on firms’ internationalization through a changing use of emigrants to endogenize the cultural, trade, and political distance between the home and the host country, and we develop new theoretical insights on the social, cultural, and political embeddedness of firms.