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Nearly four million Americans worked on Barry Goldwater's behalf in the presidential election of 1964. These citizens were as dedicated to their cause as those who fought for civil rights and against the Vietnam War. Arguably, the conservative agenda that began with Goldwater has had effects on American politics and society as profound and far reaching as the liberalism of the 1960s. According to the essays in this volume, it's high time for a reconsideration of Barry Goldwater's legacy.Since Goldwater's death in 1998, politicians, pundits, and academics have been assessing his achievements and his shortcomings. The twelve essays in this volume thoroughly examine the life, times, and impact of \"Mr. Conservative.\" Scrutinizing the transformation of a Phoenix department store owner into a politician, de facto political philosopher, and five-time US senator, contributors highlight the importance of power, showcasing the relationship between the nascent conservative movement's cadre of elite businessmen, newsmen, and intellectuals and their followers at the grassroots-or sagebrush-level.Goldwater, who was born in the Arizona Territory in 1909, was deeply influenced by his Western upbringing. With his appearance on the national stage in 1964, he not only articulated a new brand of conservatism but gave a voice to many Americans who were not enamored with the social and political changes of the era. He may have lost the battle for the presidency, but he energized a coalition of journalists, publishers, women's groups, and Southerners to band together in a movement that reshaped the nation.

After a highly successful career in investment banking with his own firm and a seat on the New York Stock Exchange, J. William Middendorf became restive and looked for new challenges. Having \"learned how to make money,\" he writes in this memoir, he \"wanted to learn how to make a difference.\" Thus he became actively involved in politics, first at the local level in Connecticut and then with the presidential campaign of Senator Barry Goldwater in 1964 and as treasurer of the Republican National Committee. There followed a series of challenging public service appointments: ambassador to the Netherlands, Under Secretary and later Secretary of the Navy, ambassador to the Organization of American States, and ambassador to the European Community. Middendorf is a first-rate storyteller and has many tales to share--from his World War II Navy service, to his first job wearing a string of pearls in a bank vault, to a failed effort to bring a U.S.-style constitution to post-Soviet Russia. He recounts tales of villains and heroes, of narrow legislative victories on vital programs, of efforts to forestall war in the Falklands and to counter growing Communist control of the island of Grenada, as well as how the Navy won narrow but vital victories on such important programs as the Aegis missile system and the Trident submarine. Writing with the authority of someone who held a number of key government positions, his lively and revealing memoir is filled with many behind-the-scenes stories of critical events of the Cold War.

In Flying High, William F. Buckley Jr. offers his lyrical remembrance of a singular era in American politics, and a tribute to the modern Conservative movement's first presidential standard-bearer, Barry Goldwater. Goldwater was in many ways the perfect candidate: self-reliant, unpretentious, unshakably honest, and dashingly handsome. And although he lost the election, he electrified millions of voters with his integrity and a sense of decency—qualities that made him a natural spokesman for Conservative ideals and an inspiration for decades to come. In an era when Republicans are looking for a leader, Flying High is a reminder of how real political visionaries inspire devotion.

Abstract Chelonians (turtles, tortoises, and sea turtles) grow scute keratin in sequential layers over time. Once formed, scute keratin acts as an inert reservoir of environmental information. For chelonians inhabiting areas with legacy or modern nuclear activities, their scute has the potential to act as a time-stamped record of radionuclide contamination in the environment. Here, we measure bulk (i.e. homogenized scute) and sequential samples of chelonian scute from the Republic of the Marshall Islands and throughout the United States of America, including at the Barry M. Goldwater Air Force Range, southwestern Utah, the Savannah River Site, and the Oak Ridge Reservation. We identify legacy uranium (235U and 236U) contamination in bulk and sequential chelonian scute that matches known nuclear histories at these locations during the 20th century. Our results confirm that chelonians bioaccumulate uranium radionuclides and do so sequentially over time. This technique provides both a time series approach for reconstructing nuclear histories from significant past and present contexts throughout the world and the ability to use chelonians for long-term environmental monitoring programs (e.g. sea turtles at Enewetok and Bikini Atolls in the Republic of the Marshall Islands and in Japan near the Fukushima Daiichi reactors).

Demographic monitoring is required in threatened species management, yet effective and efficient monitoring is challenging for species that are difficult to capture or susceptible to capture stress. One possible monitoring approach for such species is non-invasive genetic sampling with capture–recapture methods (genetic capture–recapture). We evaluated the performance of genetic capture–recapture in a challenging model system, monitoring the threatened Sonoran pronghorn Antilocapra americana sonoriensis . In an effort to determine the best (i.e. efficient, accurate, precise, cost-effective) method for abundance estimation, we used simulations to examine the optimal genetic capture–recapture faecal sampling design for this population. We simulated encounter histories for 100–300 individuals, with 0.33–3.33 samples/individual/session, in 1–3 sampling sessions. We explored trade-offs between sample size, number of sessions and multi-session ( MARK ) versus single-session ( capwire ) closed capture–recapture abundance estimators, and an accurate and precise estimate. We also compared the cost between the genetic capture–recapture approaches and current aerial monitoring methods. Abundance was biased positively in capwire and negatively in MARK . Bias increased and precision decreased with fewer samples/individual/session. Annual genetic capture–recapture monitoring cost was nearly twice the cost of aerial surveys, although genetic capture–recapture methods provided much higher precision. However at the current estimated abundance (c. 200), the same level of precision achieved with aerial methods can be obtained by collecting 0.75 samples/individual in a single session, for an annual cost saving of > USD 4,000. This approach of comparing estimator performance and cost can easily be applied to other systems and is a useful evaluation for managers to implement prior to designing capture–recapture studies.

During his presidency, John F. Kennedy emerged as a powerful force for change in the area of equal rights for the nationʼs black population. In addition to the major civil rights legislation that he proposed and that Congress ultimately enacted, Kennedy served as the nationʼs teacher, trying to awaken in citizens a sense of understanding and fair-mindedness. He referred publicly to civil rights as a “national crisis of great dimensions,” and then worked hard in trying to resolve that crisis in a positive and peaceful way. However, the civil rights activities of both John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson contributed immeasurably to a powerful and enduring political realignment in the United States. Millions of Democrats, located heavily in the south, were highly disaffected by Kennedyʼs and Johnsonʼs activism in civil rights. Many moved out of the Democratic Party and then into the Republican Party after flirting in 1968 with the short-lived and overtly racist American Independent Party. Today, more than fifty years later, the south remains strongly Republican.

On the night of the 2000 presidential election, Americans sat riveted in front of their televisions as polling results divided the nation’s map into red and blue states. Since then the color divide has become a symbol of a culture war that thrives on stereotypes--pickup-driving red-state Republicans who vote based on God, guns, and gays; and elitist, latte-sipping blue-state Democrats who are woefully out of touch with heartland values. Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State debunks these and other political myths.