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This study examines the process of authoritarian consolidation in Egypt from2013 to 2023, analyzing the transformation of the political system under Sisi.Utilizing Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan’s framework of five arenas of democrat-ic consolidation, the research investigates how these arenas have been reconfig-ured to strengthen authoritarian control. The analysis reveals systematic changesacross all spheres: the rule of law has been undermined through constitution-al amendments and restrictive legislation; the state apparatus has been recen-tralized with the military and security aparatus; civil society has been severelyconstrained through legal and administrative measures; the political society hasbeen reshaped to marginalize opposition and promote pro-regime parties; andthe economic society has witnessed increased military involvement in key sec-tors. Key findings highlight the regime’s use of legal mechanisms to legitimizeauthoritarian practices, the marginalization of independent political and civil so-ciety actors, and the military’s expanding role in both politics and the economy.The study concludes that Egypt has evolved into a hybrid regime where demo-cratic institutions exist but are largely subordinated to executive power, with themilitary playing a central role in maintaining regime stability.

This article concerns the evolution of Burkina Faso’s constitutionalism with par-ticular emphasis on the period following the fall of Blaise Compaoré’s presiden-cy. The author draws attention to the dynamics of constitutional transforma-tions that occurred as a result of the deteriorating internal situation. The keyfactor influencing institutional changes was the introduction and consolida-tion of the transitional regime, which occurred as a result of two coups in 2022.Despite the adoption of a separate constitutional act (transitional period char-ter), the provisions of the 1991 constitution remain in force (unless they conflictwith the provisions of the charter). In this respect, the changes that were takingplace did not stand in the way of maintaining the relative constitutional conti-nuity of the state. The same can be said about the rules of the semi-presidentialsystem of government that remained in force, although their application in thenew conditions would require the establishment of the rules of a democratic po-litical system.

The public value approach moves beyond traditional and new public administration theories that advocate for a \"universal single good governance\" by emphasizing conditions such as context, value produced, and the nature of the task. This study aims to trace the concepts of \"legitimacy and support,\" \"implementation capacity,\" and \"value\" - the \"strategic triangle\" of public value - within the context of Kutadgu Bilig. Using descriptive content analysis, the study analyzes Kutadgu Bilig's administration principles to critique the assumptions of the public value approach. Ultimately, it aims to contribute to the field of public administration, particularly Turkish administration thought. By analyzing Kutadgu Bilig, the study reveals a valuable lens for understanding current theoretical developments, going beyond the text's historical significance. Notably, the study finds strong compatibility between Kutadgu Bilig's administration ideas and the public value approach.

This paper examines the European integration trajectories of Albania and North Macedonia from 2001 to 2025, analyzing how two neighboring Western Balkan countries with shared strategic objectives have experienced distinct pathways toward European Union accession. Using a comparative and qualitative approach, the study investigates institutional preparedness, political reform processes, regional diplomacy, and the impact of the EU’s conditionality framework. North Macedonia’s journey, initiated with the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement in 2001, has been repeatedly hindered by bilateral disputes, identity politics, and internal political instability. Albania, while avoiding major external blockages, has faced persistent challenges related to governance, corruption, and the rule of law, which have slowed its reform momentum. Despite shared participation in regional initiatives such as the Berlin Process and alignment with the Western Balkans enlargement agenda, the two cases illustrate how similar starting points can lead to divergent outcomes. The findings demonstrate that the interplay between domestic reform capacity and external conditionality has determined each country’s pace and depth of integration. Furthermore, the study argues that geographical proximity and similar policy aspirations are insufficient predictors of harmonized European futures. Instead, political will, institutional stability, and the credibility of EU incentives remain decisive factors. By tracing both successes and setbacks across two decades, the paper provides a deeper understanding of how structural conditions, geopolitical dynamics, and EU engagement shape the transformative power of Europeanization in the Western Balkans. We find ourselves witnessing achievements, failures, and expectations that belong not only to the citizens but also to civil society, the academic sphere, diverse communities, institutions, and the collective consciousness. In the persistent wait for the overcoming of bilateral disputes, there is a prevailing sense that not only is the region advancing at divergent paces, but that the EU itself appears inconsistent and without a harmonized voice regarding the issues of consensus and decision-making.

The article constitutes an attempt to deal with the paradox contained in theWest Lothian Question (known also as the English Question) which remainsone of the greatest anomalies of the British constitutional system. Since the1970s (when this question was asked for the first time) there have been manylegal and political disputes over that issue, and even the idea of ‘English votes forEnglish laws’ (EVEL) was implemented by the British parliament.The purpose of the article is to analyze and evaluate the potential impact ofBrexit on that issue. By applying the historical method as well as the institutionaland legal analysis method, the author verifies the hypothesis that Brexit will notbe a breakthrough in finding an optimal solution to this legal and constitutionalconundrum, even though in the post-Brexit reality this issue will keep returning,gaining a completely new meaning in the eyes of the British.

The article analyzes geopolitical shifts in the Sahel region that have led toa weakening of French influence and the growing importance of Russia. Thisregion, formerly part of French West Africa, retained close political, economic,and military ties with the former colonial power after gaining independence inthe 1960s. These relationships, often referred to as “Françafrique,” are seen asa controversial form of neocolonial dependency. The failure of the French mili-tary operation Serval to combat the jihadist threat in Mali has cast doubt onthe validity of France’s military presence, creating space for Russia’s influence togrow. The Kremlin, using tools of propaganda and military cooperation, is gain-ing the favor of Sahelian states by offering an alternative model of cooperationunburdened by colonial history. The article addresses the reasons behind theerosion of French dominance, the consequences of Operation Serval’s failure,and Russia’s new objectives and tools of influence, suggesting that the Sahel isemerging as an area of intense geopolitical rivalry, with outcomes that could af-fect the region’s stability.

The problem of democracy arises from problems in implementation. In order for democracy to be functional during implementation, the people must have political and cultural awareness. Democracy can be implemented in societies with high levels of education. However, it is impossible to implement democratic understanding smoothly in societies with low education levels. The biggest problem of democracy is that the people are not able to directly participate in government. Instead, they participate in management through representatives. And in this case, the obligation for these representatives to represent the whole society occurs, since these representatives have to use all the powers given to them by the people. The other problem of democracy is excessive liberty in which case people may violate the freedom of others, which causes conflict in society. In this research, these aforementioned critical problems were handled in order to obtain a clear understanding of the issue.

In this article the author answers the question from the title – Is the cultural left liberal? In contemporary debates which flared up after Trump’s victory in 2016, the ideological position of Hilary Clinton was questioned by numerous writers. Mark Lilla calls it identity liberalism. The author argues that identity left should be distinguished from liberalism because it is by self-understanding illiberal. The argument in the paper is organised in four segments. After a brief presentation of the concepts of liberalism and cultural left, the author focuses on Lilla’s criticism of identity liberalism and compares it with John Gray’s criticism of hyper-liberalism. These two writers are discussed with the help of two classics of contemporary political thought: Richard Rorty and Brian Barry. In the concluding segment the author argues that the postmodern identity left should never be called liberal because it is openly antiliberal, and demonstrates how Barry’s prophecy from 1989 and Rorty’s from 1998 came true.

In our study on current views on the position of power in politics, we were based on a number of modern political theories, where the fundamental aspect of modern power and politics is conflict and the aim of politics is to gain and retain power. The constitutional position of power in these theories is characterized as a „goal about itself“. Power is a goal, it is not an instrument of politics. Political philosophy from Hobbees to Nozick rejects theories that give politics (or political power) higher goals. We analysed new concepts of the position of power in political relations (Badiou, Oakeshott, Balibar, Ranciere, Shapiro), leading to a new concept of politico. We have concluded that the perception of power is gradually taking shape, which represents a categorical turnaround compared to the understanding of modern power and politics as conflict. The basis for the new perceptualisation of power is the change in its existing constitutional position within political relations - as an objective. The new concepts of power and politics represents a power that has undergone conversion on the basis of a new understanding of political objectivity and does not involve conflict between opposites and coercion or violence.

According to Aristotle, democracy and oligarchy are empirically the most widespread and analytically fundamental ‘constitutions’. I analyse how in different places in his Aristotle ‘positively’ defines and differentiates between democracy and oligarchy. At the same time, I substantiate in detail a new interpretation of Aristotle‘s view that significantly differs from the current interpretation. ‘Combining’ the elements, procedures, and principles of democracy and oligarchy gives rise to mixed 'constitutions', a special place among which is occupied by the politeia or republic, which is the best regime ‘for most states and for most people’. I show the ways in which it is possible, according to Aristotle, to form such a regime. Carl Schmitt and, later somewhat differently, Bernard Manin draw a link between Aristotle’s mixed regime and the representative democracies of today.