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Leveraging artificial intelligence (AI)-driven apps for health education and promotion can help in the accomplishment of several United Nations sustainable development goals. SnehAI, developed by the Population Foundation of India, is the first Hinglish (Hindi + English) AI chatbot, deliberately designed for social and behavioral changes in India. It provides a private, nonjudgmental, and safe space to spur conversations about taboo topics (such as safe sex and family planning) and offers accurate, relatable, and trustworthy information and resources. This study aims to use the Gibson theory of affordances to examine SnehAI and offer scholarly guidance on how AI chatbots can be used to educate adolescents and young adults, promote sexual and reproductive health, and advocate for the health entitlements of women and girls in India. We adopted an instrumental case study approach that allowed us to explore SnehAI from the perspectives of technology design, program implementation, and user engagement. We also used a mix of qualitative insights and quantitative analytics data to triangulate our findings. SnehAI demonstrated strong evidence across fifteen functional affordances: accessibility, multimodality, nonlinearity, compellability, queriosity, editability, visibility, interactivity, customizability, trackability, scalability, glocalizability, inclusivity, connectivity, and actionability. SnehAI also effectively engaged its users, especially young men, with 8.2 million messages exchanged across a 5-month period. Almost half of the incoming user messages were texts of deeply personal questions and concerns about sexual and reproductive health, as well as allied topics. Overall, SnehAI successfully presented itself as a trusted friend and mentor; the curated content was both entertaining and educational, and the natural language processing system worked effectively to personalize the chatbot response and optimize user experience. SnehAI represents an innovative, engaging, and educational intervention that enables vulnerable and hard-to-reach population groups to talk and learn about sensitive and important issues. SnehAI is a powerful testimonial of the vital potential that lies in AI technologies for social good.

The nominative, the accusative and the dative have been recently argued to stand in proper containment to one another. In contrast to more traditional decompositions which posited no such containment, this new decomposition has been shown to account for the absence of ABA exponence patterns for this triplet of cases, i.e. for the fact that no rule of exponence applies in both nominative and dative without also applying in the accusative. We point out that, in addition to its desirable predictions regarding *ABA, the more recent decomposition also makes an undesirable prediction about the derivation of ABB patterns, as we show based on data from Indo-European languages. We argue that a third theory—under which the accusative is properly contained within the dative, but the nominative and the accusative do not stand in a containment relation to one another—accounts for all the relevant facts.

Recent evidence suggests that spatial language in preschool positively affects the development of verbal number skills, as indexed by aggregated performances on counting and number naming tasks. We firstly aimed to specify whether spatial language (the knowledge of locative prepositions) significantly relates to both of these measures. In addition, we assessed whether the predictive value of spatial language extends beyond verbal number skills to numerical subdomains without explicit verbal component, such as number writing, symbolic magnitude classifications, ordinal judgments and numerosity comparisons. To determine the unique contributions of spatial language to these numerical skills, we controlled in our regression analyses for intrinsic and extrinsic spatial abilities, phonological awareness as well as age, socioeconomic status and home language. With respect to verbal number skills, it appeared that spatial language uniquely predicted forward and backward counting but not number naming, which was significantly affected only by phonological awareness. Regarding numerical tasks that do not contain explicit verbal components, spatial language did not relate to number writing or numerosity comparisons. Conversely, it explained unique variance in symbolic magnitude classifications and was the only predictor of ordinal judgments. These findings thus highlight the importance of spatial language for early numerical development beyond verbal number skills and suggest that the knowledge of spatial terms is especially relevant for processing cardinal and ordinal relations between symbolic numbers. Promoting spatial language in preschool might thus be an interesting avenue for fostering the acquisition of these symbolic numerical skills prior to formal schooling.

This paper investigates a verbal category called “assistive” in two closely related Turkic languages, Kyrgyz and Kazakh, which appears to have a helping-like interpretation. The assistive construction includes a dative-marked Agent argument, which is not to be introduced by one of the commonly known noncore-argument-introducing heads, Cause, Applicative and Voice. The paper argues that the assistive does not encode a helping event; rather it is a hitherto unidentified type of event pluralizer (pluractional), which can introduce an Agent argument. The paper presents novel data showing that the assistive defines event plurality at the level of subevents: it requires that the embedded event be divided into two subevent sets such that the embedded event is the sum of the two subevent sets and the dative-marked argument is the Agent of one of the subevent sets. Thereby, the paper contributes to the inventory of pluractionals and to the cross-linguistically attested noncore-argument-introducing categories.

Based on the cross- and intra-linguistic distribution of Person Case Constraint (PCC) effects, this paper shows that there can be no agreement in ϕ-features (PERSON, NUMBER, GENDER/NOUN-CLASS) which systematically lacks a morpho-phonological footprint. That is, there is no such thing as “abstract” ϕ-agreement, null across the entire paradigm. Applying the same diagnostic to instances of clitic doubling, we see that these do involve syntactic agreement. This cannot be because clitic doubling is agreement; it behaves like movement (and unlike agreement) in a variety of respects. Nor can this be because clitic doubling, qua movement, is contingent on prior agreement—since the claim that all movement depends on prior agreement is demonstrably false. Clitic doubling requires prior agreement because it is an instance of non-local head movement, and movement of X0 to Y0 always requires a prior syntactic relationship between Y0 and XP. In local head movement (the kind that is already permitted under the Head Movement Constraint), this requirement is trivially satisfied by (c-)selection. But in non-local cases, agreement must fill this role.

A common type of split ergativity is conditioned by tense and/or aspect in that an ergative-absolutive system occurs in the past tense or perfective aspect and a nominative-accusative system occurs in the non-past tense(s) or imperfective aspect ( DeLancey 1982 , Payne 2006 ). This finding, however, pertains to case marking only. Using a genetically diverse typological sample on conditional argument indexing in 83 languages ( Walker 2024 , Walker & Van Lier under review ), the present study explores if a similar tendency can be found for indexing. Within the database, 22 languages display indexing conditioned by TAM (tense, aspect, mood) factors. Across 17 languages, a clear trend regarding aspect and indexing was found: imperfective, progressive, and non-completive aspect condition a nominative-accusative system while perfective, terminative, and completive aspect condition an ergative-absolutive system. For tense and mood, however, no such clear relationship was found. For the remaining 5 languages, the TAM split applied to a specific person/number value only. We conclude that for aspect, but not for tense and mood, our findings correspond with previous literature on split-ergativity in case marking.

This article studies the status of case in pre-Islamic Arabic. It brings together different previously unrelated sets of phonological and morphological data to show that all dialects had some sort of a case system, some dialects were more innovative in the use of case than others, such as the Hijazi dialects, and some Najdi dialects retained an earlier and more productive case system. The article also shows that the case system in the conservative dialects started to show signs of decay in the early days of Islam.

This paper investigates a striking agreement phenomenon in several Hollandic dialects of Dutch. In these dialects, imperatives of Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) verbs (such as kijken ‘look’ and horen ‘hear’) show number agreement with the subject of their embedded infinitival clause, an agreement pattern not attested in Standard Dutch. We refer to such constructions as ‘inflected imperatives’. We argue that in these cases the imperative verb lacks its usual second person subject. This absence leaves the matrix subject position available for the embedded subject to raise into, where it receives nominative case and triggers agreement on the imperative verb. This analysis is supported by three types of evidence: the correlation between case and agreement, the agentivity requirement on imperative subjects, and the restriction of inflected imperatives to ECM-verbs. Finally, we propose that these inflected imperatives represent an intermediate stage in an ongoing grammaticalization process, in which perception verbs are developing from verbs into clause-peripheral particles.

This paper examines alternations in demonstrative ordering in Kikuyu, a Bantu language spoken primarily in Kenya. An interesting effect is found: direct objects may not have prenominal demonstratives in transitive constructions, but may have prenominal demonstratives in a number of ditransitive constructions. I argue that this alternation is tied to Case. It is shown that these alternations can be accounted for using a theory of dependent Case in which Case has a licensing function. In Kikuyu, direct objects and subjects are too distant in the structure for the former to be assigned Case, and therefore the N head of the direct object must be adjacent to the verbal complex at the surface in order to be licensed (Levin 2015). However, the presence of a medial argument allows direct objects to be assigned Case since the two are sufficiently local, thus obviating the requirement for N-V adjacency.