Explore the vast range of titles available.

U.S. hospitals are already reporting shortages of key equipment needed to care for critically ill patients with Covid-19, including ventilators and personal protective equipment for medical staff. Adequate production and distribution of this equipment is crucial.

The grassroots movement that placed environmental justice issues on the national stage around 1980 was soon followed up by research documenting the correlation between pollution and race and poverty. This work has established inequitable exposure to nuisances as a stylized fact of social science. In this paper, we review the environmental justice literature, especially where it intersects with work by economists. First we consider the literature documenting evidence of disproportionate exposure. We particularly consider the implications of modeling choices about spatial relationships between polluters and residents, and about conditioning variables. Next, we evaluate the theory and evidence for four possible mechanisms that may lie behind the patterns seen: disproportionate siting on the firm side, \"coming to the nuisance\" on the household side, market-like coordination of the two, and discriminatory politics and/or enforcement. We argue that further research is needed to understand how much weight to give each mechanism. Finally, we discuss some policy options.

Action to prevent antimicrobial resistance from escalating requires dedicated funding, accessible diagnostics, and public engagement, writes Ara Darzi

[...]general practice in the UK has to some extent developed a bunker mentality in terms of its potential and what it can achieve. Crucially, they were able to leverage extra resources that allowed them to devote more time to patients in consultations, provide additional non-clinical support workers to help patients negotiate the complex health and social care systems, and freed up time for GPs to share their insights and learning from the project. The Exceptional Potential of General Practice is a book that I will certainly use for academic resources and to bolster the arguments I can make when once again the local Clinical Commissioning Group cuts funding to the sort of deprived area that I work in.

Over the past fifty years, nonviolent civil resistance has overtaken armed struggle as the most common form of mobilization used by revolutionary movements. Yet even as civil resistance reached a new peak of popularity during the 2010s, its effectiveness had begun to decline—even before the covid-19 pandemic brought mass demonstrations to a temporary halt in early 2020. This essay argues that the decreased success of nonviolent civil resistance was due not only to savvier state responses, but also to changes in the structure and capabilities of civil-resistance movements themselves. Perhaps counterintuitively, the coronavirus pandemic may have helped to address some of these underlying problems by driving movements to turn their focus back to relationship-building, grassroots organizing, strategy, and planning.

The Director-General of WHO called on member states to ensure respect for human rights and to address stigma and discrimination.3 As of Jan 31, 2023, there were 85 549 confirmed cases of mpox reported by 110 countries, including 89 deaths.2 Mpox is caused by the species monkeypox virus (MPXV), genus Orthopoxvirus, discovered in 1958 in a primate research facility in Denmark, with the first human case reported in 1970.4 Two virus clades were identified: the Congo Basin (or central African) clade and the west African clade.5 Although stigma became a concern during outbreaks in Africa,6 the 2022 global outbreak reignited discussion with proposals to rename virus clades.7 Although the nomenclature of virus variants is the remit of scientists, reaching consensus quickly was important. Participants included orthopoxvirologists, evolutionary biologists, and other scientists from (1) WHO collaborating centres on orthopoxviruses at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Russian State Research Centre of Virology and Biotechnology; (2) the WHO Technical Advisory Group on SARS-CoV-2 Virus Evolution; (3) the WHO Advisory Committee on Variola Virus Research; (4) the Poxviridae study group of the International Committee on the Taxonomy of Viruses; (5) research and public health institutes in Africa and around the world; and (6) public virus-sequence databases. Flickr -NIAID/NIH EJL was supported by the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases of the National Institutes of Health under award number U24AI162625.

This article develops an interactive and relational conception of infrastructural state power for studying the capacity of authoritarian regimes to absorb popular protests. Based on an ethnography of the grassroots state in moments of unrest in China, the authors identify three microfoundations of Chinese authoritarianism: protest bargaining, legal-bureaucratic absorption, and patron-clientelism. Adopting, respectively, the logics of market exchange, rule-bound games, and interpersonal bonds, these mechanisms have the effect of depoliticizing social unrest and constitute a lived experience of authoritarian domination as a non-zero-sum situation, totalizing and transparent yet permissive of room for maneuvering and bargaining. This heuristic framework calls for bringing the subjective experience of subordination back into the theorizing of state domination. Adapted from the source document.

Counselling, coaches and collegiality — how institutions can share resources to promote best practice in science. Counselling, coaches and collegiality — how institutions can share resources to promote best practice in science.

Although many experts agree that we should reconsider the use of race in equations for estimated glomerular filtration rate and in medicine more generally, precisely how eGFR equations should change remains unclear.

This article examines the recent wave of grassroots mobilizations opposing gender equality, LGBT rights, and sex education, which vilify the term “gender” in public debates and policy documents. The antigender movement emerged simultaneously in various locations after 2010. We argue that this is not just another wave of antifeminist backlash or a new tactic of the Vatican in its ongoing efforts to undermine gender equality but represents a new ideological and political configuration that emerged in response to the global economic crisis of 2008 and the ongoing crisis of liberal democracy. The backlash of the eighties and nineties combined neoconservatism with market fundamentalism (which is to some extent still the case with neoconservative Christian fundamentalists in the United States and elsewhere), while the new movement—though in many ways a continuation of earlier trends—tends to combine gender conservatism with a critique of neoliberalism and globalization. Liberal elites are presented as “colonizers”; “genderism” is demonized as an ideology imposed by the world’s rich on the poor. Thanks to the anticolonial frame, antigenderism has remarkable ideological coherence and great mobilizing power: right-wing populists have captured the imagination and hearts of large portions of local populations more effectively than progressive movements have managed to do. The article examines the basic tenets of antigenderism, shedding light on how this ideology contributes to the contemporary transnational resurgence of illiberal populism. We argue that today’s global Right, while selectively borrowing from liberal-Left and feminist discourses, is in fact constructing a new universalism, an illiberal one. While the examples discussed are mostly from Poland, the pattern is transnational, and our conclusions may have serious implications for feminist theory and activism.