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Encourages the reader to join in an imaginary journey aboard a magical plane, the White Feather Flier, to help clean the plastic out of the ocean, build a school for girls, and create a sanctuary for gray whales.

By addressing these and other intriguing questions, Kevin Hutchings highlights significant intersections between Green Romanticism and colonial politics, demonstrating how contemporary understandings of animality, climate, and habitat informed literary and cross-cultural debates about race, slavery, colonialism, and nature in the British Atlantic world. Revealing an innovative dialogue between British, African, and Native American writers of the Romantic period, this book will be of interest to anyone wishing to consider the interconnected histories of transatlantic colonial relations and environmental thought.

Recycling magic turns a garbage-filled park into a \"greentastic\" garden.

If there is one genre that has captured the imagination of people in all walks of life throughout the world, it is the fairy tale. Yet we still have great difficulty understanding how it originated, evolved, and spread--or why so many people cannot resist its appeal, no matter how it changes or what form it takes. In this book, renowned fairy-tale expert Jack Zipes presents a provocative new theory about why fairy tales were created and retold--and why they became such an indelible and infinitely adaptable part of cultures around the world. Drawing on cognitive science, evolutionary theory, anthropology, psychology, literary theory, and other fields, Zipes presents a nuanced argument about how fairy tales originated in ancient oral cultures, how they evolved through the rise of literary culture and print, and how, in our own time, they continue to change through their adaptation in an ever-growing variety of media. In making his case, Zipes considers a wide range of fascinating examples, including fairy tales told, collected, and written by women in the nineteenth century; Catherine Breillat's film adaptation of Perrault's \"Bluebeard\"; and contemporary fairy-tale drawings, paintings, sculptures, and photographs that critique canonical print versions. While we may never be able to fully explain fairy tales,The Irresistible Fairy Taleprovides a powerful theory of how and why they evolved--and why we still use them to make meaning of our lives.

After discovering that a green sea turtle was harmed by plastic in the ocean, twin mice Sydney and Simon come up with a creative campaign to increase recycling and reduce the amount of trash created in their home, school, and town.

Many in the environmental movement have argued in recent years that in order to speed up climate actions we should take the ethics out of the climate change debate. Focusing on the moral obligation to act or on the effects of climate change on the most vulnerable was often judged to render the discourse too “heavy,” “negative,” or “difficult.” Many also deemed it unnecessary. After all, renewable energies, better designed cities that allow for reduced car use, and power plant regulations that lead to cleaner local air—to take just three examples—all have real and substantial benefits unrelated to the fact that they are “the right thing to do” in the face of climate change. They create jobs, reduce health problems and costs, and make society fitter.

They lived green out of necessity -- walking to work, repairing everything from worn shoes to wristwatches, recycling milk bottles and packing containers. Music was largely heard live and most residential streets had shade trees. The nearby Wabash River -- a repeated subject of story and song -- transported Sunday picnickers to public parks. In the form of an old-fashioned city directory, An American Hometown celebrates a bygone American era, focusing on life in 1920s Terre Haute, Indiana. With artfully drawn biographical sketches and generously illustrated histories, noted musician, historian, and storyteller Tom Roznowski not only evokes a beauty worth remembering, but also brings to light just how many of our modern ideas of sustainable living are deeply rooted in the American tradition.

[Al Gore] assembled a group of former Nader's Raiders for Gore, led by Toby Moffet who had long ago sold out and become a paid lobbyist for Monsanto. Greens referred to them as [RALPH NADER]'s Traitors. Congressman Barney Frank appealed to lesbian and gay voters, providing cover for Gore's support of Don't Ask, Don't Tell and the Defense of Marriage Act. Gloria Steinem, NOW, and NARAL focused on abortion rights, obscuring Gore's record as the principal Senate sponsor of the Hyde Amendment, which banned Medicaid abortions, and his pandering to the right by calling for a ban on late-term abortions during the campaign. Ironically, while NOW maintained an anti-Nader section in one part of its website, another section was selling a Nader book, Why Women Pay More. The Washington-based peace lobbies also went after Nader voters, hiding Gore's call for more military spending than [Bush], as well as the Democratic platform's militaristic warning against very modest Republican nuclear disarmament proposals. Jesse Jackson and other black Democrats campaigned against Nader, diverting attention from the great reduction in civil rights litigation by the Justice Department under Clinton/Gore compared to Reagan/Bush; from the War on Drugs, which had incarcerated over a million African Americans and disenfranchised their vote; and from Gore's attempt to eliminate federal affirmative action in hiring and contracting under his \"Reinventing Government\" program. With AFL-CIO president John Sweeney leading the charge, many labor leaders attacked Nader as a spoiler while imposing no consequences on Gore for his support of NAFTA and WTO. The biggest fear of the Nader campaign was that his media presence would disappear during the major party conventions in August, leading his support to wither in the stretch after Labor Day. Nader's media coverage and support did slump in September. But after he was excluded from the first presidential debate on October 3rd, his support immediately jumped to seven percent. Nader held his own at between four and six percent in the polls through October. By the last weeks of the campaign, Gore could no longer ignore him, nor could the media. The tracking and exit polls show that their negative attention cost Nader two or three million votes in the last days and probably the five-percent benchmark. Besides these very public attacks, there were also ominous overtures from the \"highest levels\" of the Democratic administration promising funding for Nader projects if he swung his support to Gore, and threatening destruction of his funding base if he did not. He did not, and immediately after the campaign there was another torrent of commentary about how Nader was now a pariah with no friends left in government or in his traditional funding base. But every assault has only seemed to stiffen Nader's commitment to building the Green Party as an independent alternative to corporate politics. The experienced campaign managers that Nader had initially tried to hire declined, fearing they could never work again for Democrats if they worked for Nader. So Nader hired activists from Nader-affiliated advocacy groups, the Greens, and recent social movements. Generally in their twenties and thirties, racially diverse, and predominantly women, they ran a campaign that political columnist David Broder judged the best of the presidential campaigns. Dismissing the Green Party as a \"collection of oddballs,\" Broder said Nader's \"greatest feat was shifting the focus of his followers to...a useful fiction, Nader's invention of the Green Party as a scourge of special interest government...\" 3 In fact, this was no late strategy shift. Building the Green Party as a permanent independent political force was something Nader and the Greens had discussed as a central goal in June 1999 when they first considered his 2000 candidacy.

Wapner, Paul. 2010. Living Through the End of Nature: The Future of American Environmentalism. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Zehner, Ozzie. 2012. Green Illusions: The Dirty Secrets of Clean Energy and the Future of Environmentalism. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

The Guilty Pleasures of Political Crime Fiction Dear CD, How could John Saul leave out Paco Ignacio Taibo II, a Mexican who is a certified Marxist history professor and who writes brilliant novels, some of which feature his half-Irish, world-weary, Mexico City-loving detective, Hector Belascoaran Shayne - not to mention the Cuban (living, working and publishing his books there) Leonardo Padura, whose novels explore the social problems not mentioned in official Cuba's publications? J. Duckworth from the CD website Dear CD, \"Along comes my friend Cy Gonick...\" Mecca (a left-wing look at terrorism); The Dance of Shiva civil rights and religious intolerance; Mindfield (the CIA-funded LSD experiments in Montreal); Slander (civil rights, women's rights, abortion); The laughing Falcon (global environment and U.S. right-wing politics in Central America); and Triai of Passion, April Fool and Kill All the Judges (environment, the Green movement).