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"Group identity Ulster (Northern Ireland and Ireland)"
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Internal media conceptual metaphors and minority cultural identities
In recent times we have witnessed a growth in the number of groups who are calling for cultural recognition on the basis of a putative discrete ethnicity. In this article we examine one such group, the ' Ulster-Scots' in Northern Ireland. We examine how this group metaphorically conceptualize their identity within their internal press media output, specifically the monthly publication The Ulster-Scot Drawing on the conceptual metaphor approach of Lakoff and Johnson, which argues that metaphors are central to how we define and understand our everyday world, we examine the discursive construction of an Ulster-Scots collective identity and history through an analysis of the metaphors employed. We argue that a focus on the use of conceptual metaphors within discourses of ethnicity provides a valuable insight into ethnic self-understanding at a given point in time, and that, consequently, this approach is a valuable addition to the analytic repertoire for researchers concerned with issues of emergent ethnicity and the construction ethnic identities in general.
Journal Article
Ulster loyalism after the Good Friday agreement : history, identity and change
\"This book provides a timely assessment of loyalist history, identity and community in Northern Ireland today which provides a comprehensive picture of how loyalism has reacted to changes since the Good Friday Agreement. Challenging simplistic stereotypes of loyalism, the book provides a complex multi-faceted explanation of the loyalist imagination\" Provided by publisher.
Book
Group Identity and Conflicting Expectations of the Future in Northern Ireland
Much of the conflict in Northern Ireland is based on investments in one of three opposing political futures possible for the region: remaining part of Britain, joining Ireland, or becoming independent. Speculative scenarios describing each of these futures were randomly assigned to equal numbers of Protestant and Catholic undergraduates in Northern Ireland, and their expectations regarding material and civic improvement for their ingroup and peace and reconciliation between the groups were assessed. Two dimensions of religious identity, measured by the Identity and Public subscales of Luhtanen and Crocker's (1992) Collective Self-Esteem Scale (CSES), moderated the differences between groups, but only for their expectations of peace and reconciliation. Stronger expectations of improvement for the ingroup were related to higher scores on the Public subscale, regardless of religion or the political future presented. Thus, group identity had a complex, context-dependent relationship to intergroup conflict.
Journal Article
Not All Blarney Is Cast in Stone: International Cultural Conflict in Northern Ireland
A core characteristic of world politics is the presence of communal conflict over ideas of national identity, inextricably bound to ideas of cultural identity. Increasingly, foreign policy decision-makers realize the importance of considering cultural factors in their calculations of how peoples will define the \"self\" that seeks \"determination.\" Although a collective's culture changes over time (through interaction with others and in response to external events), scholars and policy analysts sometimes treat identities as static, monolithic, and derived from cultures that rarely change. This leads policymakers to underestimate the extent to which culture influences and can be influenced by foreign policy. This paper integrates work in political science and psychology into a content analysis-based method for examining three major ways in which culture impinges on communal conflict. The utility of the approach is demonstrated with a case study of the Northern Ireland conflict from 1984 to 1986, which shows how the rhetoric of the competing nationalist/Catholic leaders (John Hume and Gerry Adams) was the site of debate over group culture, how differences in the rhetoric reflected different cultures of the conflict, and how the conflict has been affected by the foreign policy decisions of other actors.
Journal Article
UNDERSTANDING ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN NORTHERN IRELAND
Anti-Catholicism is part of the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and is critical to the self-defining identity of certain Protestants. However, anti-Catholicism is as much a sociological process as a theological dispute about doctrine.
It was given a Scriptural underpinning in the history of Protestant–Catholic relations in Ireland, and wider British–Irish relations, in order to reinforce social divisions between the religious communities and to offer a deterministic belief
system to justify them. This article examines the socio-economic and political processes that have led to theology being used in social closure and stratification. It describes the various forms of contemporary anti-Catholicism, and highlights two further sociological features of the process, the common-sense reasoning process which reproduces it and how, in its language, it operates as a ‘discursive formation’.
Journal Article
Security, Identity and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland
THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO INTERPRET THE PEACE PROCESS BY SITUATING IT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CHANGING IDENTITIES AND INTERESTS OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTORS, RATHER THAN IN THE TRADITIONAL SECURITY-POLICY FRAMEWORK OFTEN FOUND IN THE LITERATURE. THE PEACE PROCESS IS SEEN AS A SECURITY POLICY DESIGNED TO ALTER THE ALLEGIANCES AND IDENTITIES WHICH UNDERLIE THE MILITARY AND PARAMILITARY ACTS OF VIOLENCE WHICH EXPRESS THE NORTHERN IRELAND CONFLICT. THREE PROBLEMS OF COLLECTIVE IDENTITY ARE ENTAILED IN THE HISTORIC CONFLICT BETWEEN BRITAIN AND IRELAND WHICH HAS ERUPTED IN SUSTAINED VIOLENCE OVER THE PAST 25 YEARS: WHAT IT MEANS TO BE BRITISH, TO BE IRISH, TO BE UNIONIST. IN EACH CASE, THE ROOTS OF IDENTITY CAN BE TRACED TO THE PURSUIT OF INTERESTS AND TO THE DOMINANCE OF SOME OVER OTHERS WHO MIGHT HAVE DEFINED THE GROUP IDENTITY DIFFERENTLY. IF IT IS EASY FOR THE BRITISH TO REDEFINE THEIR RELATIONS WITH NORTHERN IRELAND IN THE CONTEXT OF INDEPENDENTLY CHANGING INTERESTS, AND FOR SOUTHERN IRELAND TO IDENTIFY NEW INTERESTS WHICH COINCIDE WITH EXISTING CULTURAL TRENDS, THE PROBLEM FOR UNIONISTS IS INCOMPARABLY GREATER.
Journal Article
Dublin is just a Sunningdale away
The collapse of the Unionist government did not halt the SDLP’s drift to a more nationalist position. If anything, the political climate in Northern Ireland following Stormont’s suspension only led to a further greening of the party. A number of factors contributed to this. Firstly, the prorogation of Stormont had in itself created a sense of euphoria amongst the minority community. Not only did it bring an end to a regime that had come to be despised by even moderate nationalists, but it also appeared to re-open ‘the Irish Question’ in its entirety. For many nationalists, the fall of Stormont
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