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Many low-income countries and development organizations are calling for greater liberalization of labor immigration policies in high-income countries. At the same time, human rights organizations and migrant rights advocates demand more equal rights for migrant workers. The Price of Rights shows why you cannot always have both. Examining labor immigration policies in over forty countries, as well as policy drivers in major migrant-receiving and migrant-sending states, Martin Ruhs finds that there are trade-offs in the policies of high-income countries between openness to admitting migrant workers and some of the rights granted to migrants after admission. Insisting on greater equality of rights for migrant workers can come at the price of more restrictive admission policies, especially for lower-skilled workers. Ruhs advocates the liberalization of international labor migration through temporary migration programs that protect a universal set of core rights and account for the interests of nation-states by restricting a few specific rights that create net costs for receiving countries. The Price of Rights analyzes how high-income countries restrict the rights of migrant workers as part of their labor immigration policies and discusses the implications for global debates about regulating labor migration and protecting migrants. It comprehensively looks at the tensions between human rights and citizenship rights, the agency and interests of migrants and states, and the determinants and ethics of labor immigration policy.

This article addresses a stated need within the food justice movement scholarship to increase the attention paid to the political socialization of hired farm hands in industrial agriculture. In Canada, tackling the problem of farm worker equity has particular social and political contours related to the Canadian horticultural industry’s reliance on a state-managed migrant agricultural labour program designed to fill the sector’s labour market demands. As Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) produces relations of ‘unfree labour’, engaging migrant farm workers in social movement initiatives can be particularly challenging. Critical educational interventions designed to encourage migrant farm workers’ contribution to contemporary social movements in Canada must therefore confront the socio-cultural obstacles that constrict migrant farm workers’ opportunities to participate as full members of their communities. In this article, I argue that social justice oriented approaches to community-based arts can provide a means for increasing the social movement contributions of farm workers employed through managed labour migration schema such as Canada’s SAWP.

Temporary labour migrants (TLMs) who work in the European Union (EU) as seasonal workers, circular migrant workers, posted workers, intra-corporate transferees (ICTs), young professionals, au pairs, and working holidaymakers all have in common that their residence in the host Member State lasts for only a short period of time. Their legal status prevents permanent settlement, leading to a legal and policy framework that assumes little or no need for integration. As a result, these migrants often face discrimination and social exclusion. This article examines the peculiar legal position of TLMs in the EU, focusing on the interplay between integration and time. Following a ‘law in context’ approach, it outlines different categories of temporary migrants, critiques the use of time to limit the scope of integration, and challenges the narrative that integration is solely the responsibility of longterm immigrants. The article advocates disconnecting integration from residence time and calls for a reconceptualization of integration as a set of rights. In this perspective, it introduces the concept of ‘integration rights’, encompassing fundamental employment rights as well as the rights of residence, free choice of employment, intra-EU mobility, family reunification, access to welfare benefits, and political participation.

Evidence from this ethnographic study suggests that the \"migration work\" performed by female spouses of guest workers enables temporary labor migration. Findings also indicate that a gendered culture of migration perpetuates dependency on temporary labor migration and extends precarity to spouses of migrant workers within this transnational kinship network.

This study contributes to scholarship on gender, migration, and work by demonstrating the ways gender intersects with parental status to shape global employers' ideas about the ideal worker. Focusing on a guest-worker program that targets Moroccan mothers to work in Spain's strawberry industry, we reveal how employers and policymakers rely on a \"trope of compliant maternity\" to secure a low wage, disciplined migrant labor supply. This trope draws on assumptions of maternal devotion and emotional attachment, which migrant women themselves accommodate and contest in their participation in this guest-worker program.

The principal issues regarding international migration and borders facing the 2006 presidential campaigns include remittances, a guest-worker program, relations with the Mexican immigrant population in the United States, Mexico—United States relations, national security, human rights, and Central American immigration. These issues point to a larger debate concerning the course of social and economic development in Mexico and, more specifically, to the failure of more than 20 years of neoliberal economic policy.

This epilogue addresses the Bracero Program’s far-reaching consequences, as well as efforts designed to document and learn from the experience of bracero families to render productive approaches toward acknowledging and confronting the enduring trauma of the program. By focusing on the resonance of the program and this family experience, this discussion of the spirit with which these families confronted being separated from each other for indefinite periods of time across the U.S.-Mexico border enhances our understanding of the rigors of bracero family life. Treating this family experience as a meaningful and invaluable history finally provides a discussion that does not underestimate the costs and consequences of the program and, in turn, binational guest-worker programs writ large.

On August 30, 1949, after harvesting lettuce and strawberries, Renato Sandoval and 130 fellow braceros did not retire to their labor camp barracks. Determined to propose a solution to their grievances, they stood in four straight lines outside the office of John Bowen and Montgomery Reynolds. They were silently, patiently awaiting the return of the two men, contractors of a modest bracero labor camp in Tulare, California.¹ These braceros had broken labor camp rules, since they were not allowed to enter or assemble in this area. Seven years into the Bracero Program and emboldened by their need to transition out

For about twenty-five years, since passage of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) in 1986, more and more U.S. businesses have been relying on a system of migrant labor that involves guest workers. A guest worker is a foreign laborer temporarily authorized to work in a host country with the knowledge and acquiescence of that country. In the United States, employers recruit guest workers to perform both skilled and unskilled labor in newly restructured industries. These workers sign contracts with specific companies before migrating temporarily to the United States to perform highly structured jobs for a fixed duration of

As the Internet is used more and more as a medium of communication in the United States, we are entering a new era of collective action at “the point of production” that is growing in significance to workers as a form of resistance. The practice of organizing at the “point of production” is what socialist labor unionists consider the “purest form of unionism.” In contrast, traditional unions habitually organize through bargaining with management to achieve a contract stipulating the wages and conditions of employment. This strategy ultimately benefits capital that mostly fears worker direct action at the workplace. To reinforce