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What did Hitler really want to achieve: world domination. In the early twenties, Hitler was working on this plan and from 1933 on, was working to make it a reality. During 1940 and 1941, he believed he was close to winning the war. This book not only examines Nazi imperial architecture, armament, and plans to regain colonies but also reveals what Hitler said in moments of truth. The author presents many new sources and information, including Hitler's little known intention to attack New York City with long-range bombers in the days of Pearl Harbor.

In June 1959, the British established the office of Yang di-Pertuan Negara (He Who is Made Lord) to replace the colonial governorship and represent Queen Elizabeth II in Singapore. Muhammad Suhail explores the divergent attempts to invest meaning in the Yang di-Pertuan Negara. In doing so, he weaves a rich story about the contesting ideas of sovereignty during the global age of decolonization. He Who is Made Lord is a captivating take on Singapore's emergence as a postcolonial nation, providing a gateway into the island's past as part of the Malay World, the British Empire and the Commonwealth of Nations._x000B__x000B_The Yang di-Pertuan Negara is a subject that has received only passing mentions in the Singapore Story. This book is the first detailed study to reveal not only the politics of its creation but also the cultural significance of the office. By delving into its multifaceted meanings, this insightful account offers readers a fascinating treatise on the office's connection with the momentous final years of British rule in the colony and Singapore's brief interlude in Malaysia. —Associate Professor Albert Lau, Department of History, National University of Singapore_x000B__x000B_The end of the British Empire wrought considerable change across the globe, but it also left many legacies and questions such as what or who would replace the omnipotent Crown. He Who is Made Lord examines the neglected but fascinating story of how Singapore grappled with this issue, which was more delicate, nuanced and far reaching than most supposed. Muhammad Suhail has made an original, well-researched, and valuable study of the position of Head of State in Singapore during the last stages of colonialism and shows vividly that far from being of ceremonial or administrative interest, it touched on wider and deeper issues in Singaporean and Southeast Asian history and society, reflecting tensions of identity and hopes for the future. —Dr Harshan Kumarasingham, School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh_x000B__x000B_In this ground-breaking book, Muhammad Suhail has meticulously scoured, scrutinized, and synthesized archival official records, newspaper articles, government publications, pictures, and websites to peel and expose the many layers of the hitherto overlooked office of the Yang di-Pertuan Negara of Singapore to reveal the contradictions, contestations, and constructions of the created office in the context of the tumultuous period of decolonization. Suhail also has laid bare the complex personality of the man who held this office, Yusof Ishak, exposing the myriad of faces, appearances, and roles he represented and was made to represent, appreciating his triumphs and weaknesses, but most importantly, humanizing him. —Associate Professor Sher Banu A.L. Khan, Department of Malay Studies, National University of Singapore

Adolf Hitler is the greatest mystery of the 20th century, and the mystery surrounding him consists of two unanswered questions that have baffled biographers and historians. First, how did he ever rise to power? Second, who was he really? Hitler had the power to mesmerize crowds as the most dynamic orator of the modern age. Yet, his power was not in his ideas, which he collected from the gutter sheets of Vienna, nor was it in his personality; his biographers describe him as an \"unperson\" and his character as a \"void\" and a \"black hole.\" What, then, was the source of his power? Was he a medium or a magician with paranormal powers, as many contemporaries thought? Or did he have a secret or method that has not yet been revealed? Ben Novak spent fourteen years searching for the secret of Hitler's political success and his power as a speaker. Hitler's most astute contemporary observer, Konrad Heiden, who wrote the first objective books on Hitler warning that this man was \"the greatest massdisturber in world history,\" suggested that Hitler's secret lay in his use of \"eine eigentiimliche art von Logik,\"or a \"peculiar form of logic.\" Beginning with this clue, Novak finds that there is a new form of logic in accordance with Heiden's description and examples that can explain Hitler's phenomenal political success. This new form of logic, called \"abduction,\" was discovered by an American philosopher, Charles Sanders Peirce (1839-1914), who is rapidly becoming America's most well-known philosopher and logician. Abduction is a third form of logic, in addition to deduction and induction. Unlike the other forms of logic, abduction is based on instinct and has a power over emotions. Novak argues that Hitler was the first politician to apply the logic of abduction to politics. This book provides the first coherent account of Hitler's youth that ties together all the known facts, clearly showing the genesis of the strangest and most terrible man of the twentieth century while identifying the power he discovered that allowed him to break out into the world in such a terrifying way.

What are the implications of strategic manoeuvring for the activity of the simultaneous interpreter? This is the main question addressed in The Quest for Argumentative Equivalence. Based on the analysis of a multilingual comparable corpus named ARGO, the book investigates political argumentation with an eye to its reformulation by interpreters. After reporting and discussing a series of case studies illustrating interpreters' problems in the political context, the study reconstructs the prototypical argumentative patterns used by Obama, Cameron, Sarkozy and Hollande not only in a hermeneutical perspective, but also considering interpreters' need to reproduce them into a foreign language. Situated at the intersection of Argumentation Theory and Interpreting Studies, the book provides a contribution to the descriptive study of political argumentation, highlighting the presence of interpreters as a key contextual variable in political communication and deepening the study of the interlinguistic and translational implications of the act of arguing.

Since 1990, 65 former heads of state or government have been legitimately prosecuted for serious human rights or financial crimes. Many of these leaders were brought to trial in reasonably free and fair judicial processes, and some served time in prison as a result. This book explores the reasons for the meteoric rise in trials of senior leaders and the motivations, public dramas, and intrigues that accompanied efforts to bring them to justice. Drawing on an analysis of the 65 cases, the book examines the emergence of regional trends in Europe and Latin America and contains case studies of high-profile trials of former government leaders: Augusto Pinochet (Chile), Alberto Fujimori (Peru), Slobodan Milosevic (former Yugoslavia), Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone), and Saddam Hussein (Iraq) – studies written by experts who closely followed their cases and their impacts on wider societies. This is the only book that examines the rise in the number of domestic and international trials globally and tells the tales in readable prose and with fascinating details.

In The New Imperial Presidency, Andrew Rudalevige suggests that the congressional framework meant to advise and constrain presidential conduct since Watergate has slowly eroded. Rudalevige describes the evolution of executive power in our separated system of governance. He discusses the abuse of power that prompted what he calls the \"resurgence regime\" against the imperial presidency and inquires as to how and why—over the three decades that followed Watergate—presidents have regained their standing. Chief executives have always sought to interpret constitutional powers broadly. The ambitious president can choose from an array of strategies for pushing against congressional authority; finding scant resistance, he will attempt to expand executive control. Rudalevige's important and timely work reminds us that the freedoms secured by our system of checks and balances do not proceed automatically but depend on the exertions of public servants and the citizens they serve. His story confirms the importance of the \"living Constitution,\" a tradition of historical experiences overlaying the text of the Constitution itself.