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Well before the far-right resurgence that has most recently transformed European politics, Austria’s 1999 parliamentary elections surprised the world with the unexpected success of the Freedom Party of Austria and its charismatic leader, Jörg Haider. The party’s perceived xenophobia, isolationism, and unabashed nationalism in turn inspired a massive protest movement that expressed opposition not only through street protests but also in novels, plays, films, and music. Through careful readings of this varied cultural output, The Art of Resistance traces the aesthetic styles and strategies deployed during this time, providing critical context for understanding modern Austrian history as well as the European protest movements of today.

Well before the far-right resurgence that has most recently transformed European politics, Austria's 1999 parliamentary elections surprised the world with the unexpected success of the Freedom Party of Austria and its charismatic leader, Jörg Haider. The party's perceived xenophobia, isolationism, and unabashed nationalism in turn inspired a massive protest movement that expressed opposition not only through street protests but also in novels, plays, films, and music. Through careful readings of this varied cultural output,The Art of Resistance traces the aesthetic styles and strategies deployed during this time, providing critical context for understanding modern Austrian history as well as the European protest movements of today.

Heilbrunn labels Jorg Haider, governor of Carinthia Austria and until recently the leader of the far-right Austrian Freedom Party, a \"yuppie fascist.\" Haider has implicated himself as an apologist for the Nazi Holocaust.

This case study reviews the Austrian political and economic system from a global perspective, with particular emphasis on the rise of the controversial Jörg Haider and his far-right FPÖ party. The end of the Cold War and the rise of regional and globalizing tendencies created social tensions over issues like migration and economic competition, which Haider proved expert at exploiting. When Haider was invited to join the government, the fury this caused in European Union circles led to a bloc of bilateral sanctions against Austria designed to bring down the government, but it also spotlighted problems and vulnerabilities within the E.U. itself. The case ends as Haider is forced into political exile, but his enduring appeal and possible resurrection in future elections raises a number of questions for his party, for Austria, for the E.U., and for world politics.

This ground-breaking and innovative book examines the influence of charisma on power, authority and nationalism. The authors both apply and challenge Max Weber's concept of 'charisma' and integrate it into a broader discussion of other theoretical models. Using an interdisciplinary approach, leading international scholars draw on a diverse range of cases to analyse charisma in benign and malignant leaderships, as well as the relationship between the cult of the leader, the adulation of the masses and the extension of individual authority beyond sheer power. They discuss idiosyncratic authority and oratory, and they address how political, social and regional variations help explain concepts and policies which helped forge and reformulate nations, national identities and movements. The chapters on particular charismatic leaders cover Abraham Lincoln, Kemal Atatürk, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Gamal Nasser, Jörg Haider and Nelson Mandela. Political Leadership, Nations and Charisma will appeal to readers who are interested in history, sociology, political communication and nationalism studies.

The article explores how Richard Wagner's Beethoven and Elfriede Jelinek's Das Lebewohl draw on music and musical aesthetics to signify national and cultural aspirations in Germany and Austria. As an artistic experience that transcends borders, Beethoven's music has often provoked questions about cultural memory, \"national art forms,\" and collective identity in nineteenth- and twentieth-century German intellectual history. Though very different in nature, Wagner's politically charged Beethoven and the monolog that Jelinek ascribes to the right-wing Austrian politician Jörg Haider show how important music and language can be when national goals and cultural politics join forces.

This article provides an analysis of Austrian politics over the last one hundred years, including the nation's reckoning with Nazism and antisemitism. Founded in 1918 as the smallest successor state of the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria was designed as a parliamentary democracy by political parties deeply rooted in pre-war Austria. The borders of the republic were defined by the Entente (France, Great Britain, the United States, and Italy; Russia was absent), who remade the maps of Europe and the Middle East to their advantage. Republican Austria failed in 1933 and 1934, the victim of explosive internal conflicts and authoritarian tendencies. Re-designed as a semi-fascist state, Austria was occupied and annexed by Nazi Germany in 1938. In 1945, Austria was reborn as a democratic republic—again, due to the interests of the victors of World War II. However, this time Austria flourished in the form of a stable, liberal Western democracy. Austria learned its lessons—it has accepted its independence from Germany, and it has recognized Austrian co-responsibility for the Holocaust and the crimes of Nazism. After 2000, Austrian politics changed again and the country is now more like other West European democracies, including its turn toward populism. The article concludes that ideological secularization and Europeanization are responsible for a decline of political predictability in contemporary Austria.

With Austria's and Switzerland's leading political parties having \"rigged the political marketplace\" by forming Grand Coalitions, voters turned to the radical right as the only available alternative.

Argues that official reactions to the far Right's entry into the Austrian government are Tartuffery - denunciation by politicians professing to follow a Third Way are especially hypocritical: Haider in power will behave conventionally, his obscene sneer an uncanny shadow of Blair's big smile because New Right populism is the necessary supplement to multiculturalist tolerance of global capital, the Third Way in inverted form. Far Right participation in government is the price the Left pays for renouncing any radical political project, and accepting market capitalism as 'the only game in town' - social democracy purged of its minimal subversive sting. (Quotes from original text)