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This collection ponders the personal and political implications for Haitians at home and abroad resulting from the devastating 2010 earthquake. The 7.0 magnitude earthquake that struck Haiti in January 2010 was a debilitating event that followed decades of political, social, and financial issues. Leaving over 250,000 people dead, 300,000 injured, and 1.5 million people homeless, the earthquake has had lasting repercussions on a struggling nation. As the post-earthquake political situation unfolded, Myriam Chancy worked to illuminate on-the-ground concerns, from the vulnerable position of Haitian women to the failures of international aid. Originally presented at invited campus talks, published as columns for a newspaper in Trinidad and Tobago, and circulated in other ways, her essays and creative responses preserve the reactions and urgencies of the years following the disaster. In Harvesting Haiti , Chancy examines the structures that have resulted in Haiti's post-earthquake conditions and reflects at key points after the earthquake on its effects on vulnerable communities. Her essays make clear the importance of sustaining and supporting the dignity of Haitian lives and of creating a better, contextualized understanding of the issues that mark Haitians' historical and present realities, from gender parity to the vexed relationship between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

Black Atlantic Religion illuminates the mutual transformation of African and African-American cultures, highlighting the example of the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé religion. This book contests both the recent conviction that transnationalism is new and the long-held supposition that African culture endures in the Americas only among the poorest and most isolated of black populations. In fact, African culture in the Americas has most flourished among the urban and the prosperous, who, through travel, commerce, and literacy, were well exposed to other cultures. Their embrace of African religion is less a \"survival,\" or inert residue of the African past, than a strategic choice in their circum-Atlantic, multicultural world.

There is a pervasive stigma attached to being Haitian in the Bahamas. This article examines reflections on the experiences of the stigma of being Haitian at primary and secondary school among second-generation Haitians in the Bahamas. Based on this research, I argue that primary school functions as the first major institution where children of Haitian descent experience stigma as it relates to their ethnic heritage and, in turn, are exposed to the idea of being the ‘other’ in Bahamian society through bullying and anti-Haitian sentiments from students and teachers. Stigma, prejudice, exclusion, and discrimination characterize primary and secondary education for Haitians living in the Bahamas and are manifest in the form of cruel teasing, bullying, and discrimination primarily from students and teachers. The goal is not to argue that children of Haitian descent are completely unaware of anti-Haitian sentiment in the Bahamas until they attend school but, rather, that school functions as one of the first institutions children of Haitian descent learn there is stigma in being Haitian in the Bahamas.

Laguerre proposes a relationship among migrants and their home society that transcends current views in migration studies. The relationship among Haitians who live outside Haiti reflects a web rather than a radial relationship with the home country; Haitian migrants communicate among themselves and the home country simultaneously. In viewing the Haitian diaspora from a global perspective, the author reveals a new theory of interconnectedness in migration, which marks a significant move away from transnationalism.

As the 2010 post-earthquake humanitarian crisis in Haiti created a leadership vacuum in managing the country's reconstruction efforts and the socioeconomic crisis worsened, Haitian women have not had equal access to leading humanitarian initiatives to benefit Haiti and Haitians in the diaspora. The current literature also discusses one-dimensional narratives of Haitian womanhood as victims or humanitarian aid beneficiaries. In this article, I cover a literature gap by expanding the narrative on Haitian women through the poto mitan paradigm in a humanitarian leadership context and by drawing on the feminist labyrinth metaphor to discuss their experience in humanitarian leadership. Focusing on Haitian women leaders making headway in diasporic Haitian humanitarian organizations headquartered in Miami, I share four case studies of their experiences to bring awareness to their struggles and triumphs with intersectionality. I do so through a qualitative analysis of ten interviews emphasizing four leaders in greater depth. In addition, I address the transnational feminist misconceptions about gender norms, stereotypical white supremacist perceptions of humanitarian leadership, and practices of postcoloniality in the sector. This work significantly contributes to the literature about Haitian womanhood in a humanitarian leadership context, as it showcases perspectives from a group not commonly heard from. Simultaneously, through a feminist approach, this article analyzes participants’ stories intertwined with a thick description of Haitian cultural heritage and mentality to present an expanded narrative of the poto mitan.

Local Histories/Global Designsis an extended argument about the \"coloniality\" of power by one of the most innovative Latin American and Latino scholars. In a shrinking world where sharp dichotomies, such as East/West and developing/developed, blur and shift, Walter Mignolo points to the inadequacy of current practices in the social sciences and area studies. He explores the crucial notion of \"colonial difference\" in the study of the modern colonial world and traces the emergence of an epistemic shift, which he calls \"border thinking.\" Further, he expands the horizons of those debates already under way in postcolonial studies of Asia and Africa by dwelling in the genealogy of thoughts of South/Central America, the Caribbean, and Latino/as in the United States. His concept of \"border gnosis,\" or sensing and knowing by dwelling in imperial/colonial borderlands, counters the tendency of occidentalist perspectives to manage, and thus limit, understanding. In a new preface that discussesLocal Histories/Global Designsas a dialogue with Hegel's Philosophy of History, Mignolo connects his argument with the unfolding of history in the first decade of the twenty-first century.

2023 Best Book in the Humanities, Latin American Studies Association Mexico Section Challenging conventional narratives of Mexican history, this book establishes race-making as a central instrument for the repression of social upheaval in nineteenth-century Mexico rather than a relic of the colonial-era caste system. Many scholars assert that Mexico's complex racial hierarchy, inherited from Spanish colonialism, became obsolete by the turn of the nineteenth century as class-based distinctions became more prominent and a largely mestizo population emerged. But the residues of the colonial caste system did not simply dissolve after Mexico gained independence. Rather, Ana Sabau argues, ever-present fears of racial uprising among elites and authorities led to persistent governmental techniques and ideologies designed to separate and control people based on their perceived racial status, as well as to the implementation of projects for development in fringe areas of the country. Riot and Rebellion in Mexico traces this race-based narrative through three historical flashpoints: the Bajío riots, the Haitian Revolution, and the Yucatan's caste war. Sabau shows how rebellions were treated as racially motivated events rather than political acts and how the racialization of popular and indigenous sectors coincided with the construction of \"whiteness\" in Mexico. Drawing on diverse primary sources, Sabau demonstrates how the race war paradigm was mobilized in foreign and domestic affairs and reveals the foundations of a racial state and racially stratified society that persist today.

With mass migration changing the configuration of societies worldwide, we can look to the Caribbean to reflect on the long-standing, entangled relations between countries and areas as uneven in size and influence as the United States, Cuba, Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, and Jamaica. More so than other world regions, the Caribbean has been characterized as an always already colonial region. It has long been a key area for empires warring over influence spheres in the new world, and where migration waves from Africa, Europe, and Asia accompanied every political transformation over the last five centuries. In Caribbean Migrations, an interdisciplinary group of humanities and social science scholars study migration from a long-term perspective, analyzing the Caribbean's \"unincorporated subjects\" from a legal, historical, and cultural standpoint, and exploring how despite often fractured public spheres, Caribbean intellectuals, artists, filmmakers, and writers have been resourceful at showcasing migration as the hallmark of our modern age.

Sovereignty. Sugar. Revolution. These are the three axes this book uses to link the works of contemporary women artists from Haiti—a country excluded in contemporary Latin American and Caribbean literary studies—the Dominican Republic, and Cuba. In From Sugar to Revolution: Women's Visions of Haiti, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic, Myriam Chancy aims to show that Haiti's exclusion is grounded in its historical role as a site of ontological defiance. Her premise is that writers Edwidge Danticat, Julia Alvarez, Zoé Valdés, Loida Maritza Pérez, Marilyn Bobes, Achy Obejas, Nancy Morejón, and visual artist Maria Magdalena Campos-Pons attempt to defy fears of \"otherness\" by assuming the role of \"archaeologists of amnesia.\" They seek to elucidate women's variegated lives within the confining walls of their national identifications—identifications wholly defined as male. They reach beyond the confining limits of national borders to discuss gender, race, sexuality, and class in ways that render possible the linking of all three nations. Nations such as Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba are still locked in battles over self-determination, but, as Chancy demonstrates, women's gendered revisionings may open doors to less exclusionary imaginings of social and political realities for Caribbean people in general.

Objective This paper asks: do black immigrants have higher rates of white partnership than African Americans? Background Some say white Americans feel more comfortable among black immigrants than among African Americans. Anglo‐Caribbean accents, in particular, have been described as appealing. Research finds that some black immigrant groups do have higher rates of union with whites, but that advantage disappears when confounding factors are controlled. Yet, marriage markets have different characteristics. Using metropolitan areas as proxies for marriage markets, this study explores whether taking metropolitan conditions into account improves the odds that black immigrants and whites marry or cohabit. Method The analysis pools data from the 2008–2016 American Community Surveys. Black immigrants are divided into Anglophone Afro‐Caribbeans, Haitians, sub‐Saharan Africans, and a residual group of “Other Blacks.” Two generations are created: those arriving before the age of 13 and those arriving later. The critical technique is multi‐level logistic regression. Results The findings replicate previous multivariate analyses in showing that black immigrants do not have higher rates of white partnership than African Americans. Still, rates are higher for the 1.5 than the 1.0 generation and higher among males than females. Among black ethnic groups, unions with whites are least common among Haitians and most common among sub‐Saharan Africans. Conclusion The findings weaken the hope that the black immigrant presence will moderate the “color line” in America.