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Although many species display behavioural traditions, human culture is unique in the complexity of its technological, symbolic and social contents. Is this extraordinary complexity a product of cognitive evolution, cultural evolution or some interaction of the two? Answering this question will require a much better understanding of patterns of increasing cultural diversity, complexity and rates of change in human evolution. Palaeolithic stone tools provide a relatively abundant and continuous record of such change, but a systematic method for describing the complexity and diversity of these early technologies has yet to be developed. Here, an initial attempt at such a system is presented. Results suggest that rates of Palaeolithic culture change may have been underestimated and that there is a direct relationship between increasing technological complexity and diversity. Cognitive evolution and the greater latitude for cultural variation afforded by increasingly complex technologies may play complementary roles in explaining this pattern.

Capuchins can employ several strategies to deal with environmental challenges, such as using stone tools to access encapsulated resources. Nut-cracking is customary in several capuchin populations and can be affected by ecological and cultural factors; however, data on success and efficiency are only known for two wild populations. In this work, using camera traps, we assessed palm nut-cracking success and efficiency in two newly studied wild bearded capuchin populations ( Sapajus libidinosus ) and compared them with other sites. We tested the hypothesis that the overall success and efficiency of nut-cracking would be similar between sites when processing similar resources, finding partial support for it. Although using hammerstones of different sizes, capuchins had a similar success frequency. However, efficiency (number of strikes to crack a nut) was different, with one population being more efficient. We also tested whether success and efficiency varied between sexes in adults. We predict adult males would be more successful and efficient when cracking hard nuts. We found no differences between the sexes in one site but found sex differences in the other, although also for the low-resistant nut, which was unexpected. Our data add to the knowledge of capuchin nut-cracking behaviour flexibility, variance and potential cultural traits.

Stone tool transport leaves long-lasting behavioural evidence in the landscape. However, it remains unknown how large-scale patterns of stone distribution emerge through undirected, short-term transport behaviours. One of the longest studied groups of stone-tool-using primates are the chimpanzees of the Taï National Park in Ivory Coast, West Africa. Using hammerstones left behind at chimpanzee Panda nut-cracking sites, we tested for a distance-decay effect, in which the weight of material decreases with increasing distance from raw material sources. We found that this effect exists over a range of more than 2 km, despite the fact that observed, short-term tool transport does not appear to involve deliberate movements away from raw material sources. Tools from the millennia-old Noulo site in the Tai forest fit the same pattern. The fact that chimpanzees show both complex short-term behavioural planning, and yet produce a landscape-wide pattern over the long term, raises the question of whether similar processes operate within other stone-tool-using primates, including hominins. Where hominin landscapes have discrete material sources, a distance-decay effect, and increasing use of stone materials away from sources, the Taï chimpanzees provide a relevant analogy for understanding the formation of those landscapes.

The announcement of two approximately 3.4-million-y-old purportedly butchered fossil bones from the Dikika paleoanthropological research area (Lower Awash Valley, Ethiopia) could profoundly alter our understanding of human evolution. Butchering damage on the Dikika bones would imply that tool-assisted meat-eating began approximately 800,000 y before previously thought, based on butchered bones from 2.6- to 2.5-million-y-old sites at the Ethiopian Gona and Bouri localities. Further the only hominin currently known from Dikika at approximately 3.4 Ma is Australopithecus afarensis, a temporally and geographically widespread species unassociated previously with any archaeological evidence of butchering. Our taphonomic configurational approach to assess the claims of A. afarensis butchery at Dikika suggests the claims of unexpectedly early butchering at the site are not warranted. The Dikika research group focused its analysis on the morphology of the marks in question but failed to demonstrate, through recovery of similarly marked in situ fossils, the exact provenience of the published fossils, and failed to note occurrences of random striae on the cortices of the published fossils (incurred through incidental movement of the defleshed specimens across and/or within their abrasive encasing sediments). The occurrence of such random striae (sometimes called collectively \"trampling\" damage) on the two fossils provide the configurational context for rejection of the claimed butchery marks. The earliest best evidence for hominin butchery thus remains at 2.6 to 2.5 Ma, presumably associated with more derived species than A. afarensis.

Iron oxides have been used extensively in the Americas from the Paleoindian period up to the ethnographic present. But, because archaeological mining sites are extremely rare in this continent, we still know very little about how indigenous groups exploited and processed these minerals. Here we report finds from the San Ramón 15 site, located on the arid coast of northern Chile, where our research revealed a prehistoric mine with associated tailings and mining debris that was exploited by hunter-gatherer-fisher groups. The mine was first exploited during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition (ca. 12,000–10,500 calibrated years before present [cal yr BP]) and then again during the Late Archaic (ca. 4300 cal yr BP), representing the earliest known mining activity in the Americas. This discovery has important implications, including (1) the record of undisputed mining activity in the continent is extended by several millennia, showing the first insights into Early Archaic mining techniques and technologies; (2) the earliest inhabitants of the Pacific Coast of South America had a well-developed mining knowledge, that is, they were hunter-gatherer-fisher-miner communities; and (3) mobility patterns of early nomadic maritime adaptations in northern Chile were influenced by repeated access to iron oxide pigments used mainly for symbolic purposes.

Funding for this research was provided by the Dirección General de Investigación e Innovación Tecnológica de la Comunidad de Madrid, grant no. H2019/HUM-5840 (co-financed by the European Social Fund), and by the Agencia Estatal de Investigación of the Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, grant no. PCG2018-094125-B-100 (MCIU/AEI/FEDER, UE). (...)

In lithic studies, much attention is devoted to analyses of production processes and finished tools while little attention is paid to production implements. Hammerstones present an interesting problem as many areas with readily available lithic raw material sources lack materials for high-quality hammerstones. This paper uses a case study from a chert-rich area, the upper Belize River valley of western Belize, to examine how the Late Classic Maya acquired material to be used as hammerstones. This paper finds that lithic producers used locally available poor-quality stone as well as imported materials, such as groundstone, as hammerstones, suggesting multiple acquisition networks existed through which lithic producers obtained percussion implements.

Hammerstones and anvils are among the oldest tools used by hominins to perform a variety of tasks including knapping activities. The bipolar technique on anvil is well documented in Prehistory since the Lower Palaeolithic and is usually considered to be an expedient technique in comparison to other knapping systems. This technique plays a pivotal role in the Uluzzian techno-complex lithic production where it is largely used. In the present study, we analyse the anvils and hammerstones recovered in the Mousterian and Uluzzian layers of the site of Castelcivita (Campania region-southern Italy) by a multi-disciplinary approach. Our aim is to investigate the function and functioning of anvils and hammerstones by evaluating the presence and the role of bipolar knapping in these two assemblages. To do this, we integrated techno-functional analysis (sensu Boëda) and use-wear study, by defining each techno-functional unit (transformative and prehensile unities) of anvils and hammerstones and identifying the specific use-wear left by the bipolar technique by means of a dedicated experimental programme. The obtained results allowed us to observe different technical behaviours, concerning both the production and the use of hammerstones and anvils, between Mousterian and Uluzzian. Differences were encountered in the selection of raw material (limestone in the Uluzzian, sandstone in the Mousterian) and in the technical way of approaching the tool as well as in the function: the Mousterian anvil was used ‘as is’ for crushing materials, unlike the Uluzzian anvils which were exclusively employed for bipolar knapping, after adapting their original volume. Hammerstones were mainly used as pestles or retouchers in the Mousterian and for direct percussion in knapping activities during the Uluzzian.

The Long Branch site (31JK477) was a multi-component late prehistoric and Late Archaic site located in the Appalachian Summit region of western North Carolina. It contained deeply-stratified Late Archaic cultural deposits, including a substantial quartzite lithic assemblage and numerous intact cultural features. The most significant and unique aspect of 31JK477 was a series of postholes and a small, artificially-created basin that defined the partial remains of a structure, the only documented instance of Late Archaic architecture in the region. Lithic debris and tools were concentrated within and immediately adjacent to the structure's outline. Preliminary spatial analysis of the distribution of lithic refits, debitage, and knapping tools at the site suggests that tool production occurred in discrete areas, including in the interior of the structure, during the site's use.