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This study uses modern linguistic theory to analyze a frequently recurring syntactic phenomenon in the Hebrew Bible that has thus far resisted explanation: כי אם. The combination of the two particles כי and אם produces a construction that is notoriously difficult to describe, analyze syntactically, and translate. Dictionaries of Biblical Hebrew offer a dizzying variety of translations for this construction, including “that if,” “except,” “unless,” “but,” “but only,” and “surely,” among other possibilities. In this book, Grace J. Park provides a new approach that strives for greater precision and consistency in translation. Park argues that כי אם is used in three patterns: the “full focus” pattern, the “reduced focus” pattern, and the less common “non-focus” pattern. Her syntactic analysis of all 156 occurrences of the כי אם construction in the Bible lends greater clarity to the contested passages. Drawing on recent linguistic research into the typology of clausal nominalization as well as previous work on contrastive focus, this innovative project provides important new insight into the syntax of Biblical Hebrew. It will be especially valuable for scholars seeking to translate כי אם more consistently and accurately.

The particle ulašūma ('or else') in Old Babylonian Akkadian is analyzed from a functional and syntactic point of view. In addition to its known functions as a pro-polar protasis ('if not, otherwise, or else') and as a disjunctive particle ('or'), it is also concluded to function as a conditional exponent. As such it is shown to belong with other expressions of epistemic modality (modal and conditional particles). Its most plausible diachronic source is determined, based on comparative as well as Akkadian material, to have been a non-verbal circumstantial expression *u lā šū ('it (is) not') ultimately meaning 'it not being the case…'. In the second part of the paper, a cognate origin (*ū lā hī 'it not being the case') is proposed for the Biblical Hebrew epistemic particle ʔūlay ('maybe/if'). Two possible paths are discussed—one is internal development and the other a result of language contact. Each path is considered, paying meticulous attention to the respective sets of difficulties. The difference in the synchronic function and meaning between the Akkadian and Hebrew particles is bridged based on the syntactic and functional analysis of the Old Babylonian particle, which shows it to be an epistemic particle.

The particle אשר has long been treated as a relative pronoun instead of as a particle of relation. Lexicons and grammars label אשר as a relative pronoun, and consequently the reader is preconditioned to treat each occurrence as such. Yet the contextual usage of the particle serves a broad set of functions. At its core the particle establishes connectivity between clauses and phrases while informing the manner and tenor of relation and restriction. This in turn influences the punctuation (if any) that is best suited for the translation. The particle is therefore hypersensitive to the literary content, the narrative progression, and the conceptual milieus of the biblical author(s). In this article, I examine the two occurrences of אשר in Lev 10:1–3 (with new translations of Lev 10:1 and 3) as a case study of its relational and jurisprudential significance. The study reveals that the particle serves a key role in such contexts by denoting contrast, reason, coextensivity, sequentiality, temporality, and referential unity.

Ezekiel 2:6 contains several perplexing elements. The word אוֹתָךְ has the form of a 2ms object pronoun but cannot be read that way in the clause. Moreover, in the context of a prophetic call narrative one might expect the כִּי clause at the center of the verse to provide the motivation for divine reassurance, but instead the reader finds three hostile images—briars, thorns, and scorpions. In recent years, S. Garfinkel and M. Odell have suggested creative explanations for these interpretive challenges, but analysis of the non-standard uses of אֵת and a close reading of the literary context of Ezek 2:6 do not support their conclusions. In this article, we argue that many of the problematic aspects of the verse reflect a literary agenda and serve to produce a sense of defamiliarization by subverting the reader’s expectations for form on multiple levels.

In 1977, T. C. Vriezen published in Dutch an important study on the Hebrew existential/negative particle . He mainly focused on its absolute form, ץא, and drew attention to the rich semantic potential of the particle, its primary meaning \"non-existence,\" and the impact of its position in clauses on its meaning. This study examines Vriezen's comments on the uses and meanings of ץא and the arguments he espouses in support of his views. The goal of the contribution is to move toward a better understanding of ץא in the Hebrew Bible by revisiting Vriezen's treatment of selected passages that feature the absolute form of the particle. It builds on, refines, and revises Vriezen's insights by means of syntactical, philological, and text-critical comments on verses from the Hebrew Bible that contain ןלאו clauses, ןיא־םא clauses, and clauses with ץא in non-initial position. The study concludes that further analysis of ץא is necessary to better elucidate its polysemous nature and its rich semantic potential.