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The entry of Soviet forces into Afghanistan in December 1979 was a watershed happening. The event brought about, inter alia, a qualitative change in Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan as well as balance of power in South Asia. The United States and its allies deciphered the Soviet move an attempt to expand its influence to areas vital for Washington's interests. America knitted an alliance of its friends to put freeze on Moscow's advance. Pakistan, as a frontline state, played a vital role in the eviction of the Soviet forces. This paved the way for broadening of traditional paradigm of Islamabad's Afghan policy. But after the Soviet military exit, Pakistan was unable to capitalize the situation to its advantage and consequently had to suffer from negative political and strategic implications. The implications are attributed to structural deficits in Pakistan's Afghan policy during the decade long stay of Red Army on Afghanistan's soil.

When it invaded Afghanistan in 2001, the United States sought to do something previous foreign powers had never attempted: to create an Afghani state where none existed. More than a decade on, the new regime in Kabul remains plagued by illegitimacy and ineffectiveness. What happened? As Thomas Barfield shows, the history of previous efforts to build governments in Afghanistan does much to explain the difficulties besetting this newest experiment. Princeton Shorts are brief selections taken from influential Princeton University Press books and produced exclusively in ebook format. Providing unmatched insight into important contemporary issues or timeless passages from classic works of the past, Princeton Shorts enable you to be an instant expert in a world where information is everywhere but quality is at a premium.

Hekmatyar, a former Afghan prime minister and leader of the Hezb-e-Islami militant group, told the private Geo TV network that when the United States began its assault on the Tora Bora mountains in late 2001, some of his fighters moved bin Laden, his deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri and other associates to \"a safe place\" where he met them later.

[Gulbuddin Hekmatyar], who heads the outlawed Hezb-e-Islami party, also offered praise for dead al Qaida in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in the statement, which could not be immediately...

[Gulbuddin Hekmatyar] has previously held political offices and the agreement could mean a return to both public and political life for him. The agreement now means that there is a peace deal between the Afghan government and Hekmatyar's militant group Hezb-i-Islami. Rabbani, Afghanistan's most influential social media user on Twitter, is among those objecting the decision. The release of Rabbani's song, entitled after Hekmatyar's infamous nickname, aims to act as a sign of peaceful protest and to highlight the distrust and betrayal those that disapprove of the move feel towards the Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's decision.

BAGRAM AIR BASE, Afghanistan -- U.S. and coalition forces searched caves Wednesday in a mountainous region of southeastern Afghanistan for survivors of a rebel force after a surprise battle the day before. There was no indication that [Gulbuddin Hekmatyar] himself was in Spinboldak, King said. A lead guerrilla commander during the 1980s war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, Hekmatyar at that time was the main recipient of U.S. covert aid to the anticommunist guerrillas. He is known for his anti-Western sentiments, and is believed to be receiving money from Iran. Al-Qaida and Taliban sympathizers remain in areas bordering Pakistan in the southeast. Fighters loyal to Hekmatyar are thought to be sympathetic to the ousted Taliban and al-Qaida, who were believed to have fled into Pakistan.