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Before Bill O'Reilly and Glenn Beck, there was Jesse Helms. From in front of a camera at WRAL-TV, Helms forged a new brand of southern conservatism long before he was a senator from North Carolina. As executive vice president of the station, Helms delivered commentaries on the evening news and directed the news and entertainment programming. He pioneered the attack on the liberal media, and his editorials were some of the first shots fired in the culture wars, criticizing the influence of \"immoral entertainment.\" Through the emerging power of the household television Helms established a blueprint and laid the foundation for the modern conservative movement. Bryan Thrift mines over 2,700 WRAL-TV \"Viewpoint\" editorials broadcast between 1960 and 1972 to offer not only a portrait of a skilled rhetorician and wordsmith but also a lens on the way the various, and at times competing, elements of modern American conservatism cohered into an ideology couched in the language of anti-elitism and \"traditional values.\" Decades prior to the invention of the blog, Helms corresponded with his viewers to select, refine, and sharpen his political message until he had reworked southern traditionalism into a national conservative movement. The realignment of southern Democrats into the Republican Party was not easy or inevitable, and by examining Helms's oft-forgotten journalism career, Thrift shows how delicately and deliberately this transition had to be cultivated.

According to Helms, a cabal that included the media, homosexual activists, \"Hollywood,\" and colluding politicians had \"elevated AIDS into a political issue totally out of proportion to its medical impact on the people of this country. In Helms's view, even Ryan White, a teenaged hemophiliac who had contracted HIV (human immunodeficiency vims) through a blood transfusion and was suspended from his Indiana school, was being unwittingly used by gay activists to win sympathy for AIDS patients.

[...]the anti-dam campaign had illustrated the abiding political power of mostly white, rural communities to mobilize for environmental causes in a time of energy crises and economic stagnation. Studies of the Sun Belt South- with an implicit \"power shift\" narrative-tend to prioritize the places, namely the cities and suburbs, that demanded primacy due to the region's changing demographic, economic, and political arithmetic.4 Rural areas lost population, capital, and legislative representation in the twentieth century and were seemingly left to be exploited by agribusiness and the prison-industrial complex, among others.5 However, the struggles of some small-town communities often attracted attention and concern from across the political spectrum. [...]preserving the New River served both as a point of local pride and as a source of political and economic capital, thereby staking claim to a different Appalachia, one defined by scenic beauty rather than the so-called blight so commonly misinterpreted by outsiders.10 The New River controversy allows environmental historians to examine the nexus of local and national politics in the late-twentiethcentury South. While such works highlight the importance of ideas about \"watershed democracy,\" citizen science, and participatory politics to grassroots mobilizations, the New River case offers a different view of southern environmentalism in which cultural politics also play a vital role.11 Debates over dam projects were neither just about local control of-or access to-water resources, nor about groups of suburbanites or other outsiders seeking to preserve some semblance of untrammeled open space or so-called wilderness.12 The nature of the river itself- coursing through mill towns and farming communities-shaped the political strategies of its defenders.

In this article we study the Helms-Burton Act in the intersections of foreign policy, American law, and international law. We provide an explanation of the making of the law through the lenses of policymaking, and the core variables that drove the process, as we consider that it was an act of foreign policy, and that foreign policy is a particular form of public policy. We discuss the legality of the statute within American law, and point out its inconsistencies and open contradictions with the constitutional framework of the United States, as it violates some of its core principles and provisions. We examine the legality of the Helms-Burton according to international law, and determine that it violates several fundamental principles included in the Charter of the United Nations and other major international treaties and charters of international organisations, of which the United States is a signatory.

For three decades, the conservative Cuban American lobby was widely regarded as one of the most powerful ethnic foreign policy lobbies in the United States, second only to the lobby in support of Israel. (1) Well-organized, wealthy, single-minded, and strategically concentrated in the key electoral states of Florida and New Jersey, the conservative Cuban American lobby (the Cuba lobby for short) dominated the issue field, opposing any opening to Cuba. But was the lobby's success due principally to its own strengths, or to a fortuitous political opportunity structure? Did its sheer political muscle enable it to force its way into Washington's corridors of power, or was it actually \"pushing on an open door\"? (Haney and Vanderbush 1999, 345). That question is relevant not just to the case of the Cuba lobby but for ethnic foreign policy lobbies generally. This article traces the Cuba lobby's meteoric ascendancy in the 1980s, its gradual decline in the 2000s, and its partial revival after the election of Donald Trump. By examining variation in the lobby's influence over time, I hope to assess whether causal factors related to the lobby's characteristics weigh more heavily than those associated with the political opportunity structure it faces. How Do Ethnic Interest Groups Influence Foreign Policy?

The dearth of \"out\" role models and advisers who can speak to young women of color is pitiably small. When I was a child, my older brothers belonged to the Young Progressives, and recruited us younger siblings to help them leaflet our Roxbury community and go door to door collecting money for the defense of the Scottsboro Boy s i Bayard Ruštin, a young man at the time, was my brothers' hero, so it was no surprise to me that throughout the years of the civil rights movement, Ruštin would be out in the forefront along with Randolph and Martin Luther King, Jr. Yet, journalist Nat Hentoff, in an article published in the New York Herald Tribune in 1964, writes of Rustin's many arrests and jailings because of his pacifism, conscientious objector status, and testing of anti-discrimination laws without once mentioning, throughout a five page article, Rustin's sexuality.

Although originalism’s emergence as an important theory of constitutional interpretation is usually attributed to efforts by the Reagan administration, the role the theory played in the South’s determined resistance to civil rights legislation in the 1960s actually helped create the Reagan coalition in the first place. North Carolina Senator Sam Ervin Jr., the constitutional theorist of the Southern Caucus, developed and deployed originalism because he saw its potential to stymie civil rights legislation and stabilize a Democratic coalition under significant stress. Ervin failed in those efforts, but his turn to originalism had lasting effects. The theory helped Ervin and other conservative southerners explain to outsiders and to themselves why they shifted from support for an interventionist state powerful enough to enforce segregation to an ideology founded on individual rights and liberty. It thus eased the South’s integration with the emerging New Right.

Before his thirty-second birthday, Helms, a native of North Carolina, was an award-winning newspaper reporter, city editor of the Raleigh Times, news director for Raleigh radio station WRAL, administrative assistant to Senator Willis Smith, and campaign worker for conservative candidates, including media adviser to Senator Richard B. Russell Jr.' s run for the 1952 Democratic presidential nomination. From the 1940s to the 1970s his career immersed him in traditional and emerging mass media: city editor of the Raleigh Times, news director for the WRAL radio station, editor of the North Carolina Bankers Association's Tarheel Banker while serving as the organization's director, and executive vice president of the WRAL television station. Minority and student protesters; riots; Supreme Court rulings on school-led prayer, \"smut,\" and busing; liberal impotence in the Vietnam War; rising taxes; and the growing welfare state supplied drama.

On this edition of Meet the Press: Secretary of Labor, Alexis Herman discusses the UPS strike; Senator Richard Lugar, Chuck Hagel, and Thad Cochran discuss Jesse Helms and his attempts to block the nomination of William Weld as Ambassador to Mexico; General Barry McCaffrey discusses the war on drugs; insights and analysis from Paul Gigot and Jack Germond.