Explore the vast range of titles available.

Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), a betacoronavirus that causes the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), is highly transmissible and pathogenic for humans and may cause life-threatening disease and mortality, especially in individuals with underlying comorbidities. First identified in an outbreak in Wuhan, China, COVID-19 is affecting more than 185 countries and territories around the world, with more than 15,754,651 confirmed cases and more than 640,029 deaths. Since December 2019, SARS-CoV-2 transmission has become a global threat, which includes confirmed cases in all 50 states within the United States (US). As of 25 July 2020, the Johns Hopkins Whiting School of Engineering Center for Systems Science and Engineering reports more than 4,112,651 cases and 145,546 deaths. To date, health disparities are associated with COVID-19 mortality among underserved populations. Here, the author explores potential underlying reasons for reported disproportionate, increased risks of mortality among African Americans and Hispanics/Latinos with COVID-19 compared with non-Hispanic Whites. The author examines the underlying clinical implications that may predispose minority populations and the adverse clinical outcomes that may contribute to increased risk of mortality. Government and community-based strategies to safeguard minority populations at risk for increased morbidity and mortality are essential. Underserved populations living in poverty with limited access to social services across the US are more likely to have underlying medical conditions and are among the most vulnerable. Societal and cultural barriers for ethnic minorities to achieve health equity are systemic issues that may be addressed only through shifts in governmental policies, producing long-overdue, substantive changes to end health care inequities.

Objectives. We sought to understand how local immigration enforcement policies affect the utilization of health services among immigrant Hispanics/Latinos in North Carolina. Methods. In 2012, we analyzed vital records data to determine whether local implementation of section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act and the Secure Communities program, which authorizes local law enforcement agencies to enforce federal immigration laws, affected the prenatal care utilization of Hispanics/Latinas. We also conducted 6 focus groups and 17 interviews with Hispanic/Latino persons across North Carolina to explore the impact of immigration policies on their utilization of health services. Results. We found no significant differences in utilization of prenatal care before and after implementation of section 287(g), but we did find that, in individual-level analysis, Hispanic/Latina mothers sought prenatal care later and had inadequate care when compared with non-Hispanic/Latina mothers. Participants reported profound mistrust of health services, avoiding health services, and sacrificing their health and the health of their family members. Conclusions. Fear of immigration enforcement policies is generalized across counties. Interventions are needed to increase immigrant Hispanics/Latinos’ understanding of their rights and eligibility to utilize health services. Policy-level initiatives are also needed (e.g., driver’s licenses) to help undocumented persons access and utilize these services.

Objectives. To update previous examinations of racial/ethnic disparities in the use of lethal force by US police. Methods. I examined online national vital statistics data for deaths assigned an underlying cause of “legal intervention” (International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision, external-cause-of-injury codes Y35.0–Y35.7, excluding Y35.5 [legal execution]) for the 5-year period 2010 to 2014. Results. Death certificates identified 2285 legal intervention deaths (1.5 per million population per year) from 2010 to 2014. Among males aged 10 years or older, who represented 96% of these deaths, the mortality rate among non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic individuals was 2.8 and 1.7 times higher, respectively, than that among White individuals. Conclusions. Substantial racial/ethnic disparities in legal intervention deaths remain an ongoing problem in the United States.

How will Hispanic population growth affect black-white relations in the United States? Research on intergroup relations operates within a two-group paradigm, furnishing few insights into multi-group contexts. This study is based on an original experiment that combines behavioral game and survey methods to evaluate the impact of perceived Hispanic growth on attitudes and behavior. Results reveal opposite reactions among blacks and whites. Whites in the baseline condition contribute comparable amounts to black and white recipients in a dictator game, whereas whites who first read about Hispanic growth contribute more to white recipients than to black ones. By contrast, blacks in the baseline condition contribute more to black recipients than to white ones, whereas blacks who first read about Hispanic growth contribute comparable amounts to black and white recipients. Patterns of identification mirror patterns of contributions: whites exposed to Hispanic growth identify relatively more strongly with their racial group than with their national group, whereas blacks exposed to Hispanic growth identify relatively more strongly with their national group than with their racial group. Together, these results suggest that people respond to the growth of a third group by prioritizing the most privileged identity to which they can plausibly lay claim and which also excludes the growing group.

Objectives. To compare population-based sterilization rates between Latinas/os and non-Latinas/os sterilized under California’s eugenics law. Methods. We used data from 17 362 forms recommending institutionalized patients for sterilization between 1920 and 1945. We abstracted patient gender, age, and institution of residence into a data set. We extracted data on institution populations from US Census microdata from 1920, 1930, and 1940 and interpolated between census years. We used Spanish surnames to identify Latinas/os in the absence of data on race/ethnicity. We used Poisson regression with a random effect for each patient’s institution of residence to estimate incidence rate ratios (IRRs) and compare sterilization rates between Latinas/os and non-Latinas/os, stratifying on gender and adjusting for differences in age and year of sterilization. Results. Latino men were more likely to be sterilized than were non-Latino men (IRR = 1.23; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.15, 1.31), and Latina women experienced an even more disproportionate risk of sterilization relative to non-Latinas (IRR = 1.59; 95% CI = 1.48, 1.70). Conclusions. Eugenic sterilization laws were disproportionately applied to Latina/o patients, particularly Latina women and girls. Understanding historical injustices in public health can inform contemporary public health practice.

Latina/o Americans are at high risk for sexually transmitted infections and adolescent pregnancies. Needed urgently are innovative health promotion approaches that are engaging and culturally sensitive. East Los High is a transmedia edutainment program aimed at young Latina/o Americans. It embeds educational messages in entertainment narratives across digital platforms to promote sexual and reproductive health. We employed online analytics tracking (2013–2014), an online viewer survey (2013), and a laboratory experiment (El Paso, TX, 2014) for season 1 program evaluation. We found that East Los High had a wide audience reach, strong viewer engagement, and a positive cognitive, emotional, and social impact on sexual and reproductive health communication and education. Culturally sensitive transmedia edutainment programs are a promising health promotion strategy for minority populations and warrant further investigation.

Abstract Study Objectives Recent work on US Whites from clinical samples used obstructive sleep apnea (OSA) symptoms to generate phenotypes for individuals with moderate-severe OSA which suggested 3 to 5 symptom classes. However, it is unknown whether similar classes generalize to diverse Hispanics/Latino adults. Therefore, we sought to fill this gap by empirically deriving sleep phenotypes among a large sample of diverse Hispanics/Latinos. Methods We used data from The Hispanic Community Health Study/Study of Latinos (HCHS/SOL; 2008–2011), a prospective cohort study designed using a multisite multistage probability sample of adults 18–74 years old. The subpopulation of interest included participants with moderate-severe OSA symptoms (≥15 respiratory event index (REI) events per hour; n = 1,605). We performed latent class analysis for complex survey data using 15 common OSA symptoms (e.g. Epworth Sleepiness Scale) and 4 comorbidities to identify phenotype classes. Results Average age was 52.4 ± 13.9 years and 34.0% were female. Mean REI was 33.8 ± 22.5 events per hour. Fit statistics and clinical significance suggested that a three-class solution provided the best fit to the data. The three phenotypes were: (1) Minimally Symptomatic (47.7%), (2) Excessive sleepiness (37.1%), and (3) Disturbed Sleep (15.2%). Sensitivity models were consistent with the main proposed solution. Conclusions Derived sleep phenotypes among diverse Hispanic/Latinos were consistent with recent findings from the Sleep Apnea Global Interdisciplinary Consortium, but we found notable differences in class prevalence relative to Whites. Further research is needed to link derived sleep phenotypes to health comorbidities in diverse populations.

Objectives. We examined the impact of Arizona’s “Supporting Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act” (SB 1070, enacted July 29, 2010) on the utilization of preventive health care and public assistance among Mexican-origin families. Methods. Data came from 142 adolescent mothers and 137 mother figures who participated in a quasi-experimental, ongoing longitudinal study of the health and development of Mexican-origin adolescent mothers and their infants (4 waves; March 2007–December 2011). We used general estimating equations to determine whether utilization of preventive health care and public assistance differed before versus after SB 1070’s enactment. Results. Adolescents reported declines in use of public assistance and were less likely to take their baby to the doctor; compared with older adolescents, younger adolescents were less likely to use preventive health care after SB 1070. Mother figures were less likely to use public assistance after SB 1070 if they were born in the United States and if their post–SB 1070 interview was closer to the law’s enactment. Conclusions. Findings suggest that immigration policies such as SB 1070 may contribute to decreases in use of preventive health care and public assistance among high-risk populations.

By May 15, 2020, all 50 states had announced plans to reopen their economies. These plans emerged on the heels of an increasing awareness that COVID-19 had hit minority communities particularly hard, especially Black communities. Despite constituting only 13% of the US population, Blacks have made up 24% of the deaths from COVID-19 nationally, rendering them at least twice as likely to die from COVID-19 than are other groups.1 A recent survey from Johns Hopkins University and the American Community Survey indicated that the death rate for predominantly Black counties is sixfold higher than the rate in predominantly White counties.1The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on minority communities has been partly attributed to the racial composition of the workers in economic sectors deemed essential, including home health care, nursing homes, and community food and housing services. In these sectors, where employees are likely to come into contact with COVID-19 (i.e., high-contact jobs), Blacks and Hispanics are more likely to be employed than are Whites.2 Data from a recent McKinsey Report2 show examples from critical economic sectors where the laborers are predominantly people of color. For example, in jobs such as psychiatric aid, nursing assistant, and orderly, Blacks make up more than twice their relative proportion of the broader US population (i.e., 13%). Because it is difficult for these jobs to be performed remotely, racial minorities have shouldered more than their share of essential labor during the COVID-19 pandemic, and their communities have been disparately endangered as a result.

Objectives. To evaluate Chicas Creando Acceso a la Salud (Girls Creating Access to Health; ChiCAS), a Spanish-language, small-group intervention designed to increase preexposure prophylaxis (PrEP) use, consistent condom use, and medically supervised gender-affirming hormone therapy use among Spanish-speaking transgender Latinas who have sex with men. Methods. Participants were 144 HIV-negative Spanish-speaking transgender Latinas, aged 18 to 59 years, living in North and South Carolina. From July 2019 to July 2021, we screened, recruited, and randomized them to the 2-session ChiCAS intervention or the delayed-intervention waitlist control. Participants completed assessments at baseline and 6-month follow-up. Follow-up retention was 94.4%. Results. At follow-up, relative to control participants, ChiCAS participants reported increased PrEP use (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 4.64; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.57, 13.7; P < .006). However, ChiCAS participants did not report increased use of condoms or medically supervised gender-affirming hormone therapy. ChiCAS participants reported increases in knowledge of HIV (P < .001), sexually transmitted infections (P < .001), and gender-affirming hormone therapy (P = .01); PrEP awareness (P < .001), knowledge (P < .001), and readiness (P < .001); condom use skills (P < .001); and community attachment (P < .001). Conclusions. The ChiCAS intervention was efficacious in increasing PrEP use among Spanish-speaking, transgender Latinas in this trial. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(1):68–78. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307444 )