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"Hoover, J Edgar (1895-1972)"
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Branding Hoover's FBI
Hunting down America's public enemies was just one of the FBI's jobs. Another-perhaps more vital and certainly more covert-was the job of promoting the importance and power of the FBI, a process that Matthew Cecil unfolds clearly for the first time in this eye-opening book. The story of the PR men who fashioned the Hoover era,Branding Hoover's FBIreveals precisely how the Bureau became a monolithic organization of thousands of agents who lived and breathed a well-crafted public relations message, image, and worldview. Accordingly, the book shows how the public was persuaded-some would say conned-into buying and even bolstering that image.Just fifteen years after a theater impresario coined the term \"public relations,\" the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover began practicing a sophisticated version of the activity. Cecil introduces those agency PR men in Washington who put their singular talents to work by enforcing and amplifying Hoover's message. Louis B. Nichols, overseer of the Crime Records Section for more than twenty years, was a master of bend-your-ear networking. Milton A. Jones brought meticulous analysis to bear on the mission; Fern Stukenbroeker, a gift for eloquence; and Cartha \"Deke\" DeLoach, a singular charm and ambition.Branding Hoover's FBI examines key moments when this dedicated cadre, all working under the protective wing of Associate Director Clyde Tolson, manipulated public perceptions of the Bureau (was the Dillinger triumph really what it seemed?). In these critical moments, the book allows us to understand as never before how America came to see the FBI's law enforcement successes and overlook the dubious accomplishments, such as domestic surveillance, that truly defined the Hoover era.
eBook
The Manufacture of Consent
The second Red Scare was a charade orchestrated by a tyrant with the express goal of undermining the New Deal—so argues Stephen M. Underhill in this hard-hitting analysis of J. Edgar Hoover’s rhetorical agency. Drawing on Classification 94, a vast trove of recently declassified records that documents the longtime FBI director’s domestic propaganda campaigns in the mid-twentieth century, Underhill shows that Hoover used the growing power of his office to subvert the presidencies of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and redirect the trajectory of U.S. culture away from social democracy toward a toxic brand of neoliberalism. He did so with help from Republicans who opposed organized labor and Southern Democrats who supported Jim Crow in what is arguably the most culturally significant documented political conspiracy in U.S. history, a wholesale domestic propaganda program that brainwashed Americans and remade their politics. Hoover also forged ties with the powerful fascist leaders of the period to promote his own political ambitions. All the while, as a love letter to Clyde Tolson still preserved in Hoover’s papers attests, he strove to pass for straight while promoting a culture that demonized same-sex love. The erosion of democratic traditions Hoover fostered continues to haunt Americans today.
eBook
Master of deceit : J. Edgar Hoover and America in the age of lies
This book examines the story of America during J. Edgar Hoover's reign as head of the FBI.
BOOK
The WRITER’S STUDIO with Pulitzer Prize Winners Beverly Gage and Jefferson Cowie
For Beverly Gage, winner of the 2023 Pulitzer for Biography (G-Man: J. Edgar Hoover and the Making of the American Century, published by Viking Press), and Jefferson Cowie, recipient of the 2023 Pulitzer in History (Freedom’s Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power, published by Basic Books), this culminating event has also afforded them the chance to pause and reflect on their careers and anticipate next steps. Because people don’t know these places, or don’t know this factory, or in the case of Freedom’s Dominion, Barbour County, know anything, it is really important to be able to picture it, smell it, feel it, and enter the history I hope to tell. [...]having taught at Yale for twenty years, I’ve become convinced that historians each have a unique writerly voice. Cowie: I think what I was unaware of in my conceputalization of projects, but eventually became explicit in my work, was my tendency to unpack what might just be a seemingly uninteresting place, or person, or event and see how the light can shine or be refracted in different directions out of that otherwise unremarkable thing, whether it’s a community or a factory or an individual.
Journal Article
Einstein said that - didn't he?
[...]his part-joking encapsulation of relativity to the hungry press in 1921, on his first visit to the United States: \"It was formerly believed that if all material things disappeared out of the universe, time and space would be left. According to relativity theory, however, time and space disappear together with the things.\" Yet he had written in a speech in 1938: \"My awareness of the essential nature of Judaism resists the idea of a Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power.\"
Journal Article
Policing the Containment Order: The FBI and the Cold War Christian Right
According to an influential narrative, the Cold War era Federal Bureau of Investigation led in the construction of a countersubversive machinery that was designed to punish progressive dissent and to uphold a conservative Christian capitalist public order. This narrative has been constructed with very little research done into the FBI’s actual views of and relations with the Cold War era political and religious Right, the ideology of which it was supposedly enforcing. Recent availability of FBI files makes such a study now possible – and yields results that destabilize the long-dominant narrative. These files show that the Bureau was in fact just as engaged in surveilling and repressing right-of-center organizations, and those of that era’s Christian Right in particular. Materials in the files suggests that far from being an empowering agent for the emerging Christian Right, the Cold War era FBI was in fact policing and enforcing a notably liberal containment consensus and that its views on “genuinely” American religiosity were very far from being far-right.
Journal Article