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Despite growing interest in studying counter-revolution in Egypt, scholars have neglected the ways in which the regulation of normativity governs conduct and discourages resistance. This article argues that discourses of normativity in Egypt have produced counter-revolutionary subjectivities, without whom the counter-revolution could not have succeeded. These subjectivities are constructed through the mobilization of normal/deviant binary logics, which are encapsulated in the normative figure of the honorable citizen. I suggest that the honorable citizen--which informs how best to be Egyptian--is a contradictory figure that is made possible by the ongoing interaction between (post)colonial and neoliberal governing rationalities. By employing Foucault's work on governmentality, and Cynthia Weber's queer analysis of figuration, I conceptualize normal/deviant logics through what I call counter-revolutionary governmentality (CRG). CRG reduces the originality of Egyptian resistance by associating it with the desire to be Westernized and constructs revolutionary aspirations as a threat to sovereignty. I argue that figurations of normative \"Egyptianness\" fortify Egypt's \"backwardness\" in contemporary international orderings of progressive versus backward states and maintain international hierarchies that privilege Western modes of socio-economic and political organization. Such maintenance is not only the work of the global North but is also reproduced in the South. Malgre un interet croissant pour l'etude de la contre-revolution en Egypte, les chercheurs ont neglige les facons dont la reglementation de la norma-tivite regit le comportement et decourage la resistance. Cet article affirme que les discours de normativite en Egypte ont produit des subjectivites contre-revolutionnaires, sans lesquelles la contre-revolution n'aurait pu reussir. Ces subjectivites s'etablissent en mobilisant des logiques binaires Normal/Deviant, resumees dans le portrait normatif du citoyen honorable. Je propose que le portrait du citoyen honorable--le meilleur Egyp-tien que l'on puisse etre--s'avere contradictoire et qu'il n'aurait pu voir le jour sans les interactions continues entre les rationalites (post)coloniales et neoliberales de gouvernance. En employant le travail de Michel Foucault sur la gouvernementalite et l'analyse de la figuration de Cynthia Weber, je conceptualize les logiques Normal/Deviant par le biais de ce que j'appelle la gouvernementalite contre-revolutionnaire (GCR). La GCR reduit l'originalite de la resistance egyptienne en l'associant au desir d'occidentalisation et envisage les aspirations revolutionnaires telle une menace pour la souverainete. J'affirme que les figurations du<< caractere egyptien >> normatif renforcent le retard de l'Egypte dans les ordres in-ternationaux contemporains d'Etats progressistes et d'Etats arrieres, tout en entretenant des hierarchies internationales qui favorisent les modes occidentaux d'organisation socioeconomique et politique. Ce schema ne revient pas qu'aux pays du Nord ; le Sud le reproduit aussi. A pesar del creciente interes por estudiar la contrarrevolucion en Egipto, los academicos han descuidado las formas en que la regulacion de la nor-matividad gobierna la conducta y desalienta la resistencia. Este articulo argumenta que los discursos de normatividad que han tenido lugar en Egipto han producido subjetividades de caracter contrarrevolucionario, sin las cuales la contrarrevolucion no podria haber triunfado. Estas subjetividades se construyen a traves de la movilizacion de logicas binarias normal/desviacion, las cuales se engloban dentro de la figura normativa del ciudadano honorable. Sugerimos que la figura del ciudadano honorable, la cual informa sobre la mejor manera de ser egipcio, es una figura de caracter contradictorio, cuya existencia es posible gracias a la inter-accion en curso entre las racionalidades en materia de gobierno, tanto (pos)coloniales como neoliberales. Utilizamos el trabajo de Foucault sobre la gubernamentalidad, y el analisis << queer >> de la figuracion de Cynthia Weber, para conceptualizar las logicas normales y las logicas desviadas a traves de lo que llamamos gubernamentalidad contrarrevolucionaria (CRG, por sus siglas en ingles). La CRG reduce la originalidad de la resistencia egipcia, asociandola con el deseo de ser occidentalizada, y con-struye las aspiraciones revolucionarias como una amenaza a la soberania. Argumentamos que las figuraciones en materia de la \"egipciedad\" normativa fortalecen el \"retraso\" de Egipto dentro de los ordenamientos internacionales contemporaneos de Estados progresistas frente a Estados retrasados y mantienen jerarquias internacionales que privilegian los modos occi-dentales de organizacion socioeconomica y politica. Este mantenimiento de las jerarquias no es solo obra del Norte global, sino que tambien se reproduce en el Sur.

Drawing on evidence from the 2011 Egyptian uprising, this article demonstrates how the use of two social media platforms – Facebook and Twitter – contributed to a discrete mobilizational outcome: the staging of a successful first protest in a revolutionary cascade, referred to here as ‘first-mover mobilization’. Specifically, it argues that these two platforms facilitated the staging of a large, nationwide and seemingly leaderless protest on 25 January 2011, which signaled to hesitant but sympathetic Egyptians that a revolution might be in the making. It draws on qualitative and quantitative evidence, including interviews, social media data and surveys, to analyze three mechanisms that linked these platforms to the success of the January 25 protest: (1) protester recruitment, (2) protest planning and coordination, and (3) live updating about protest logistics. The article not only contributes to debates about the role of the Internet in the Arab Spring and other recent waves of mobilization, but also demonstrates how scholarship on the Internet in politics might move toward making more discrete, empirically grounded causal claims.

The assassination of President Anwar Sadat on October 6, 1981, inspired profound fear for Egypt's stability. However, rapid elevation to the presidency of Vice President Hosni Mubarak, former head of the Air Force, assured continuity of government. Lacking the charisma of a Nasser or Sadat, Mubarak was regarded as an interim leader with too few political skills to stay in power for any length of time. To the surprise of many, he managed to overcome numerous obstacles and threats, consolidate power and remain in office until 2011, when popular fury forced him out. Adapted from the source document.

En este artículo se presentan los resultados de un análisis del discurso visual de la versión en inglés de la cuenta de Facebook “We are all Khaled Said”, cuyo original en árabe aglutinó a gran parte de la disidencia egipcia durante la revolución de 2010-2011. La investigación tiene por objetivo identificar a los actores, los temas y las palabras predominantes, así como el desarrollo de dos narrativas visuales, con el fin de conocer la manera en que esta red sociodigital contribuyó al movimiento que derivó en la deposición del presidente Hosni Mubarak.

Acts of aesthetic ordering dominated Egyptian protest and civic activity in 2011, around the time of former president Hosni Mubarak's downfall. They played a central role in motivating collective political action, giving form to a nationalist utopian vision and legitimizing ordinary Egyptians as active agents and upright citizens. Yet they also reproduced exclusionary middle‐class aspirations tied up with state projects and related forms of citizenship that center on surveillance, individualism, and consumption. Examining such acts of aesthetic ordering reveals the tensions at the heart of many political movements, especially as people attempt to enact their utopian visions in public space. The precarity of both middle classness and utopian schemes of revolution render aesthetics a key battleground of political action. [activism, social movements, aesthetics, space, middle class, waste, Egypt] Youth brigades sweep Tahrir Square, Cairo, the day after Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak's departure, February 12, 2011. (Ahmed Asad/Apaimages/Polaris)

While many have noted how the regime of 'Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi differs from that of Husni Mubarak, scholars have not yet conceptualized these differences' significance. This article utilizes the literature on authoritarianism to argue that the Mubarak-Sisi transition was an attempt to shift from a provision pact, grounded in an extensive patronage network, to a protection pact in which elites back the regime because it protects them from internal and external threats. This transition is incomplete and, as the protection pact disintegrates, Egypt is left with a fragmented elite and a fractured state that renders the country more difficult to rule.

“There is significant cause for concern that due process and fair trial guarantees may not have been followed in some or all of these cases, and that the very serious allegations concerning the use of torture were not properly investigated”, Rupert Colville, spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said in a statement. “By extending term limits, eroding whatever remained of judicial independence and enshrining military oversight in the constitution, this coup turns Egypt into a naked military dictatorship, without even the promise or veneer of democratic rule”, wrote Ezzedine C Fishere, a former Egyptian diplomat, in The Washington Post. Hussein Baoumi, a researcher in Egypt for the human rights group Amnesty International, told The Lancet he believed it was likely the constitutional amendment to increase presidential term limits would be passed, but the judiciary might be able to fight to preserve what independence it had.

This article shows that the simultaneous management of three different social roles - knowledge producer, representative of a government, and bureaucrat - defines the everyday work and practice of contemporary diplomats posted at embassies. This argument rests on an analysis of information gathering in Western embassies before, during and after the eighteen days of the revolt that ousted Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. I first identify various practices influencing diplomatic knowledge and prompting the production of particular interpretations of the revolt in Egypt. I then analyze how actors manage multiple positions and dispositions within overlapping social fields. This point illustrates what practice theorists mean when they assert that agents are always speaking from a position. Overall, the article unravels what being a diplomat posted abroad actually consists of in practice, complementing existing studies on the diplomatic mode of knowledge production. I provide insights on the interactions between diplomats and non-state actors and show that diplomats' social skills and analytic competence constantly require and support each other.