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The most secretive, repressive state in Africa is hemorrhaging its citizens. In some months as many Eritreans as Syrians arrive on European shores, yet the country is not convulsed by civil war. Young men and women risk all to escape. Many do not survive - their bones littering the Sahara; their bodies floating in the Mediterranean. Still they flee, to avoid permanent military service and a future without hope. As the United Nations reported: 'Thousands of conscripts are subjected to forced labor that effectively abuses, exploits and enslaves them for years.' Eritreans fought for their freedom from Ethiopia for thirty years, only to have their revered leader turn on his own people. Independent since 1993, the country has no constitution and no parliament. No budget has ever been published. Elections have never been held and opponents languish in jail. International organizations find it next to impossible to work in the country. Nor is it just a domestic issue. By supporting armed insurrection in neighboring states it has destabilized the Horn of Africa. Eritrea is involved in the Yemeni civil war, while the regime backs rebel movements in Somalia, Ethiopia and Djibouti. This book tells the untold story of how this tiny nation became a world pariah.

Eritrean independence under the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (now the People's Front for Democracy and Justice) became an international cause celebre during the 1980s. Eritrea was the first African nation to gain independence in the post-colonial period and appeared to be opening a new and progressive path in African politics. But the promise of the revolution was soon betrayed by the outbreak of war with Ethiopia, the PFDJ's increasingly repressive domestic policies, its mismanagement of the country's economy, and its hostile relations with its neighbours. The PFDJ government dismantled existing formal and informal institutions, crippled the private sector, banned private newspapers, civil and political society organisations, expelled international NGOs and aid agencies when over two-thirds of the population were dependent on food aid, detained without trial journalists, thousands of dissidents, and former leaders of the liberation struggle, and turned national service from an instrument of nation building and national integration into an instrument of open-ended forced labour. In this well-researched first account of post-independence Eritrea, Gaim Kibreab gives a detailed and critical analysis of how things went woefully wrong and how the former 'liberators' turned into oppressors with no respect for the rule of law, human rights and religious freedom. GAIM KIBREAB is Professor of Research & Director of Refugee Studies, Department of Social & Policy Studies, London South Bank University Published in association with the Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.

The Eritrean government relies upon its substantial exile community around the world for political support and an estimated one-third of its finances. This is particularly important for President Isaias Afwerki’s government, since it is vilified by the West for its human rights abuses and subjected to a range of international sanctions. Eritrean festivals abroad, organised by Eritrea’s sole legal party since 1974, have played an important role in mobilising the diaspora. Previously these events were uncontested, helping to provide the resources that the government required to fight its numerous regional wars. However, since 2014 critics of the Eritrean government have attempted to halt the festivals, leading to increasingly ferocious clashes in Europe, North America and Israel. In the past year a new pro-government Eritrean organisation has been formed to provide security at the festivals, while two new opposition movements have been organised. Next summer’s confrontations could be even more serious.

ObjectivesThe study aimed to explore the experiences and perceptions of healthcare providers (HCPs) regarding the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) challenges of Eritrean refugee women in Ethiopia.DesignA qualitative exploratory design with the key informant approach.Setting and participantsThe study was conducted in the Afar regional state, North East, Ethiopia. The study participants were HCP responsible for providing SRH care for refugee women.ResultsEritrean refugee women have worse health outcomes than the host population. The SRH needs were found to be hindered at multiple layers of socioecological model (SEM). High turnover and shortage of HCP, restrictive laws, language issues, cultural inconsistencies and gender inequalities were among the main barriers reported. Complex multistructural factors are needed to improve SRH needs of Eritrean refugee women.ConclusionsA complex set of issues spanning individual needs, social norms, community resources, healthcare limitations and structural mismatches create significant barriers to fulfilling the SRH needs of Eritrean refugee women in Ethiopia. Factors like limited awareness, cultural taboos, lack of safe spaces, inadequate healthcare facilities and restrictive policies all contribute to the severe limitations on SRH services available in refugee settings. The overlap in findings underscores the importance of developing multilevel interventions that are culturally sensitive to the needs of refugee women across all SEM levels. A bilateral collaboration between Refugees and Returnees Service (RRS) structures and the Asayta district healthcare system is critically important.

Little is known about the experiences of displaced individuals en route to destination countries. We investigated the reported prevalence of exposure to traumatic experiences during migration among a consecutive sample of adult asylum seekers (n = 895 Eritrean, n = 149 Sudanese) who sought health services in the Physicians for Human Rights Open-Clinic in Israel. Percentage of Eritrean and Sudanese men and women who reported witnessing violence (Eritrea: men: 41.3 %, women: 29.3 %; Sudan: men: 16.8 %, women: 22.2 %) and/or being a victim of violence (Eritrea: men: 56.0 %, Women: 34.9 %; Sudan: men: 51.9 % women: 44.4 %) during migration varied by gender and country of origin. Findings highlight the need for a well-coordinated international cooperation to document and prevent these transgressions.

Millions of people around the world have been forced to flee their homes for socio-economic and political reasons. This paper explores the early settlement experiences of highly educated Eritrean refugees in the UK. It is a phenomenological study informed by narrative interviews with 24 Eritrean refugees who gained a university degree in Eritrea, before migrating to the UK. The participants of this study are what Bauman (1996) calls ‘vagabonds’ who mainly left their country due to the lengthy national service, human rights abuses and/or the political situation of the country. They chose the UK, as their final destination, for its democratic principles and English language. Furthermore, they hoped to receive asylum and start their lives anew within a very short time. Hence, they were happy to reach the UK following a long, costly and risky route. However, contrary to their hope and expectations, some of the circumstances they find exposed them to humiliation, powerlessness, uncertainty, and other difficult conditions. Despite they did not face any overt discrimination, many felt humiliated for seeking asylum. In addition, delays in asylum decisions, cultural differences and the loneliness and exclusion they faced in the UK made them vulnerable. This further led to anxiety, psychological distress and integration paradox. The findings indicate that asylum seekers have less control over their life and future until their asylum application is accepted. This study contributes to a better understanding of refugees’ experiences from their stories.

Child marriage is a fundamental violation of human rights that can have numerous adverse effects on girls' social, mental and physical health and wellbeing. Marriage in Eritrea relatively occurs earlier for women. This study aimed to assess the magnitude of child marriage, determinants and its related adverse health outcomes in five selected villages of the sub-region of Serejeka in Central region of Eritrea. An analytical cross-sectional study was conducted among 200 married women aged 18 to 30 years who are residents of five selected villages of the sub-region of Serejeka between July 12 and August 20, 2018. The sampling design was stratified random sampling and data were collected using an interview-based questionnaire. Descriptive and analytical statistics including chi-square test and logistic regression were employed using SPSS (v.22). The prevalence of child marriage was found to be 42% [95% CI (35.1, 48.9)]. The maximum and minimum age at marriage were 14 and 29, respectively. No formal education/primary level (AOR = 22.08, 95% CI: 4.16, 117.24), junior educational level (AOR = 6.95, 95% CI: 3.48, 13.87) and decision on the marriage (AOR = 4.30, 95% CI: 1.03, 17.92) were the significant determinants of child marriage. Prolonged labour (OR = 2.81, 95% CI: 1. 32, 5.98), abortion (OR = 3.95, 95% CI: 1.63, 9.53), hemorrhage during birth (OR = 4.83, 95% CI: 1.68, 13.87), spousal violence (OR = 2.07, 95% CI: 1.15, 3.75), pressure/stress (OR = 4.83, 95% CI: 1.68, 13.87), termination of education (OR = 8.24, 95% CI: 4.35, 15.63) and stigma or isolation from their society (OR = 7.38, 95% CI: 3.03, 17.98) were significant adverse health outcomes associated with child marriage. This study revealed that child marriage was still a common practice. It is associated with detrimental physical health, psychological well-being and socio-economic status. This mandates policy makers and program managers to focus their programs on delaying entry of children into wedlock and motherhood by providing information, education and enhancing communication with their community.

There is a debate on the role of education as a tool to challenge or enforce authoritarian attitudes. Many posit that education, particularly higher education, reduces authoritarianism; whereas vast research indicates that education can be used as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. This suggests that there are other intervening factors, such as the curriculum used, the teaching methodology implemented, and the educational administration employed, to securitise the academic space and impose authoritarian attitudes. Informed by the notion of hegemony and the banking concept of education, this article explores the nexus between education and authoritarianism, determining the role of education as an authoritarian tool for regime survival. We use the case of Eritrea, a country that has been under authoritarian government for more than two decades. The article is based on a literature review because it is risky to conduct an objective empirical study on the “politics of education” in Eritrea, given the country’s political sensitivity. The findings suggest that the Eritrean government politicises the curriculum and militarises secondary and higher education levels to create false consciousness and maintain power. The article contributes to advancing knowledge regarding the nexus of authoritarianism and education, helping people understand the state of the politics of education.

Despite the overwhelming evidence of human rights violations within the Eritrean Military/National Service Programme (“MNSP”), adjudication of asylum applications made by Eritreans remains a challenge. Narrow interpretations of slavery have created obstacles for protection under the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (“1951 Refugee Convention”). This article discusses MST and Others, the latest Country Guidance case on Eritrea issued by the UK Upper Tribunal Immigration and Asylum Chamber (“UTIAC”), and also the lead case E-5022/2017 of the Swiss Federal Administrative Court (“FAC”), which to a large extent replicated the UTIAC’s approach. The article focuses on how slavery, servitude and forced labour under article 4 of the European Convention on Human Rights (“ECHR”) have been interpreted in the British and Swiss case-law. While both, the British and the Swiss Courts, had recourse to the European Court of Human Rights’ (“ECtHR”) interpretation of article 4(1) ECHR (the right not to be subjected to slavery or servitude), they refused the applicability of international criminal law notions to this provision, and thus to the concept of “persecution” in article 1A(2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention. In doing so, the UTIAC and the FAC set unreasonable requirements to satisfy article 4(1) ECHR. Due to the very limited case-law pertaining to slavery by the ECtHR, the ECHR does not offer an appropriate framework for examining asylum applications of victims of slavery. It is therefore suggested that slavery cases are considered against a wider legal framework, which involves the examination of concepts developed by international criminal law (“ICL”). ICL has indeed developed a significant body of jurisprudence on the interpretation of the international law concept of slavery and its application to contemporary situations. The article contrasts the British and Swiss Courts’ position to develop an interpretative approach that connects different areas of international law, including not only international refugee law and international human rights law (“IHRL”), but also ICL. If applied in line with the principle of systemic integration and according to the overall purposes of the 1951 Refugee Convention, this approach would yield consistent results. Ultimately, this article seeks to assist asylum decision-makers and practitioners in the interpretation and application of the refugee definition to asylum applications of persons from Eritrea.

Both Eritrea and northern Uganda have been sites of protracted civil war, mass displacement, entrenched militarism, and abject violence. These provide initial bases for comparison between two otherwise disparate ethnographic case studies. However, focusing on people's symbolic and material preoccupations with the boundary between life and death, and the political and legal potency of dead bodies, illuminates profoundly human experiences shared among Eritreans and northern Ugandans. It also highlights connections between these two African conflict zones and the global, historical, and existential conditions humanity faces today. In particular, forms of resistance and solidarity among Eritrean refugees and Acholi war survivors suggest possibilities for a persistent politics of life despite scholarly preoccupations with the biopolitical and necropolitical power of states and state-sanctioned regimes to dictate the terms of life and death.