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Disarmament Diplomacy and Human Security
This book assesses how progress in disarmament diplomacy in the last decade has improved human security.
In doing so, the book looks at three cases of the development of international norms in this arena. First, it traces how new international normative understandings have shaped the evolution of and support for an Arms Trade Treaty (the supply side of the arms trade); and, second, it examines the small arms international regime and examines a multilateral initiative that aims to address the demand side (by the Geneva Declaration); and, third, it examines the evolution of two processes to ban and regulate cluster munitions.
The formation of international norms in these areas is a remarkable development, as it means that a domain that was previously thought to be the exclusive purview of states, i.e. how they procure and manage arms, has been penetrated by multiple influences from worldwide civil society. As a result, norms and treaties are being established to address the domain of arms, and states will have more multilateral restriction over their arms and less sovereignty in this domain.
This book will be of much interest to students of the arms trade, international security, international law, human security and IR in general.
Denise Garcia is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Northeastern University, Boston. She is author of Small Arms and Security (Routledge 2006).
Denise Garcia is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Northeastern University, Boston. She is author of Small Arms and Security (Routledge 2006).
Introduction 1. Norms: Progress and Evolution in the Conduct of International Affairs 2. The Arms Trade Treaty 3. Small Arms and Light Weapons Regimes and the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence 4. Banning Cluster Munitions. Conclusion
eBook
Constructing global public goods
Why do international actors provide global public goods when they could free-ride on the production of others? 'Constructing Global Public Goods' examines this question by understanding the identities and preferences of the actors. Most rational choice models of public goods explain the public goods decision by examining the strategic interactions among the actors. They generally avoid the question of how utilities and preferences are formed. 'Constructing Global Public Goods' brings a constructivist approach to the study of public goods by recognizing that the actors' utilities and preferences are socially constructed from the identities the actors take on in the choice situation. The book develops a formal model that links the interpretation of unobserved utilities to preferences for the public goods outcome. It then applies the model to case studies on global monetary management, collective security, and protecting human rights. Bringing constructivism into the public goods decision allows the analysis to look beyond the limited Prisoner's Dilemma based model of most rational choice approaches and recognizes that the decision whether or not to produce a global public good is a complex web of social, political and cultural factors.
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Human security and the UN : a critical history
How did the individual human being become the focus of the contemporary
discourse on security? What was the role of the United Nations in
securing the individual? What are the payoffs and costs of this
extension of the concept? Neil MacFarlane and Yuen Foong Khong tackle these
questions by analyzing historical and contemporary debates about what is to be
secured. From Westphalia through the 19th century, the state's claim to be the
object of security was sustainable because it offered its subjects some measure of
protection. The state's ability to provide security for its citizens came under
heavy strain in the 20th century as a result of technological, strategic, and
ideological innovations. By the end of World War II, efforts to reclaim the security
rights of individuals gathered pace, as seen in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and a host of United Nations covenants and conventions. MacFarlane and Khong
highlight the UN's work in promoting human security ideas since the 1940s, giving
special emphasis to its role in extending the notion of security to include
development, economic, environmental, and other issues in the 1990s.
eBook
Introduction to international disaster management
This comprehensive overview of global emergency management provides practitioners and students alike with an understanding of the disaster management profession by using a global perspective, including the different sources of risk and vulnerability, the systems that exist to manage hazard risk, and the many stakeholders involved. This update examines the impact of recent large-scale and catastrophic disaster events on countries and communities, as well as their influence on disaster risk reduction efforts worldwide. It expands coverage of small-island developing states and explores the achievements of the United Nations Hyogo Framework for Action (2005-2015) and the priorities for action in the Post-2015 Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction currently under development.
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Divided environments : a political ecology of climate change, water and security
\"That anthropogenic climate change is one of the foremost twenty-first century global security challenges is a view now firmly, if rather superficially, ensconced within Western liberal public and policy discourse. National security strategies have depicted it as 'an urgent and growing threat' and possibly 'the greatest challenge' there is to global stability, potentially presaging a 'breakdown of the rules-based international system' and a 're-emergence of major inter-state conflict.' Foreign ministers have labelled it 'perhaps the twenty-first century's biggest foreign policy challenge,' and 'the world's most fearsome weapon of mass destruction,' and claimed that 'the threat that a changing climate presents to ... international peace and security cannot be underestimated.' Climate change ministers have argued that 'we need to be ready for a world where climate instability drives political instability,' and that a 'world where climate change goes unchallenged will be a Hobbesian world, where life for far more people is \"nasty, brutish, and short\".' The United States (US) Congress and Pentagon have both described climate change as a threat to US national security. Successive United Nations (UN) Secretary Generals have called climate change 'the defining threat of our time' and 'the pre-eminent geopolitical and economic issue of the twenty-first century'. Activist movements from Extinction Rebellion (XR) to Greenpeace have characterised it as 'an unprecedented global emergency' that puts us 'in a life or death situation of our own making', and as 'the world's biggest threat ... ranked close to weapons of mass destruction in terms of potential impact' (indeed, one of the co-founders of XR has claimed that climate change is already 'turning whole regions of the world into death zones' and that a climate change-induced 'global holocaust ... is already underway'). And figures from Barack Obama to Russell Brand, among many others, have suggested that climate change is a bigger threat than terrorism\"-- Provided by publisher.
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Contestations of the Liberal International Order: From Liberal Multilateralism to Postnational Liberalism
The 1990s saw a systemic shift from the liberal post–World War II international order of liberal multilateralism (LIO I) to a post–Cold War international order of postnational liberalism (LIO II). LIO II has not been only rule-based but has openly pursued a liberal social purpose with a significant amount of authority beyond the nation-state. While postnational liberal institutions helped increase overall well-being globally, they were criticized for using double standards and institutionalizing state inequality. We argue that these institutional features of the postnational LIO II led to legitimation problems, which explain both the current wave of contestations and the strategies chosen by different contestants. We develop our argument first by mapping the growing liberal intrusiveness of international institutions. Second, we demonstrate the increased level and variety of contestations in international security and international refugee law. We show that increased liberal intrusiveness has led to a variety of contestation strategies, the choice of which is affected by the preference of a contestant regarding postnational liberalism and its power within the contested institution.
Journal Article
Negotiating governance on non-traditional security in Southeast Asia and beyond
\"Mely Caballero-Anthony examines pandemics, pollution, migration, and disaster relief in Asia to discuss the transborder security threats confronting Asia today. She argues that states' capacities to address these multifaceted (and often transnational) threats are increasingly constrained. The power of states to control security within their borders is not only being challenged by the nature of security threats, but also by the emergence of other actors such as international organizations, transnational networks, local and international NGOs, and grassroots movements, among others. This array of actors competes with states and among themselves in claiming a space in the governance arena, redefining security, setting the agenda for security policies, and transforming practices. These evolving dynamics necessitate a reassessment of security governance in East Asia. This book highlights the importance of a comprehensive, multi-actor response to security threats that also takes into account the interrelated nature of NTS challenges. Centrally, Caballero-Anthony encourages cooperation at the regional and international levels of governance, fully cognizant of the fact the NTS threats are shared vulnerabilities and that the insecurity of one state is insecurity for all\"-- Provided by publisher.
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Humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect : who should intervene?
This book considers who should undertake humanitarian intervention in response to an ongoing or impending humanitarian crisis, such as found in Rwanda in early 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Darfur more recently. The doctrine of the responsibility to protect asserts that when a state is failing to uphold its citizens' human rights, the international community has a responsibility to protect these citizens, including by undertaking humanitarian intervention. It is unclear, however, which particular agent should be tasked with this responsibility. Should we prefer intervention by the UN, NATO, a regional or subregional organization (such as the African Union), a state, a group of states, or someone else? This book answers this question by, first, determining which qualities of interveners are morally significant and, second, assessing the relative importance of these qualities. For instance, is it important that an intervener have a humanitarian motive? Should an intervener be welcomed by those it is trying to save? How important is it that an intervener will be effective and what does this mean in practice? The book then considers the more empirical question of whether (and to what extent) the current interveners actually possess these qualities, and therefore should intervene. For instance, how effective can we expect UN action to be in the future? Is NATO likely to use humanitarian means? Overall, it develops a particular normative conception of legitimacy for humanitarian intervention. It uses this conception of legitimacy to assess not only current interveners, but also the desirability of potential reforms to the mechanisms and agents of humanitarian intervention.
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