Explore the vast range of titles available.

We consider several possible interpretations of the \"effect of race\" when regressions are run with race as an exposure variable, controlling also for various confounding and mediating variables. When adjustment is made for socioeconomic status early in a person's life, we discuss under what contexts the regression coefficients for race can be interpreted as corresponding to the extent to which a racial inequality would remain if various socioeconomic distributions early in life across racial groups could be equalized. When adjustment is also made for adult socioeconomic status, we note how the overall racial inequality can be decomposed into the portion that would be eliminated by equalizing adult socioeconomic status across racial groups and the portion of the inequality that would remain even if adult socioeconomic status across racial groups were equalized. We also discuss a stronger interpretation of the effect of race (stronger in terms of assumptions) involving the joint effects of race-associated physical phenotype (eg, skin color), parental physical phenotype, genetic background, and cultural context when such variables are thought to be hypothetically manipulable and if adequate control for confounding were possible. We discuss some of the challenges with such an interpretation. Further discussion is given as to how the use of selected populations in examining racial disparities can additionally complicate the interpretation of the effects.

Background Racial discrimination is linked to unhealthy food environments and a higher prevalence of food insecurity. However, no study has explored their interrelated effects. We analyzed the relationship between racial discrimination, community food environment, and food insecurity in adults of different socioeconomic status. We also investigated the potential modifying effect of the food environment on the relationship between racism and food insecurity. Methods This was a cross-sectional study of 400 adults aged 20–70 years residing in the central area of ​​Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul state. Race and racial discrimination were assessed by self-reported race/skin color using the Experiences of Discrimination scale (EOD), respectively. The food environment was assessed using the Nutrition Environment Measures Survey in Stores (NEMS-S) tool. Food insecurity was assessed using the short version of the Brazilian Food Insecurity Scale (EBIA for short, in Portuguese). Poisson regression with robust variance was employed for the multivariate analysis. Results The prevalence of food insecurity was higher in areas with a poorer food environment (areas 1 and 3; 56.6% and 58.8%, respectively). Racial discrimination was associated with food insecurity, where every 1-point increase in the racial discrimination score increased the likelihood of food insecurity by 7% (prevalence ratio [PR] 1.07; 95% CI, 1.03–1.20). When stratifying the analyses by food environment, racial discrimination was associated with food insecurity only in areas with a poorer food environment (PR 1.06; 95% CI, 1.01–1.10). Conclusions Experiences of racial discrimination were associated with a higher prevalence of food insecurity in the study population. The community food environment was an effect modifier of this relationship, highlighting the relevance of interventions in the food environment focused on areas with a greater presence of Black people as a way of combating racism and food insecurity.

Using a theoretical approach grounded in implicit bias and stereotyping theories, this study examines the relationship between observable physical characteristics (skin tone, height, and gender) and earnings, as measured by income. Combining separate streams of research on the influence of these three characteristics, we draw from a sample of 31,356 individual-year observations across 4,340 individuals from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth (NLSY) 1997. We find that skin tone, height, and gender interact such that taller males with darker skin tone attain lower earnings; those educated beyond high school, endowed with higher cognitive ability, and at the higher income level (>75th percentile) had even lower levels of earnings relative to individuals with lighter skin tone. The findings have implications for implicit bias theories, stereotyping, and the human capital literature within the fields of management, applied psychology, and economics.

To estimate the prevalence of leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) or sports in the Brazilian population according to demographic and income variables. Data from 60,202 Brazilian individuals (18 years and over) were analyzed, belonging to the National Health Survey 2013 sample. The prevalence of different modalities of LTPA and sports was estimated according to age, sex, skin color and income. The adjusted prevalence ratios were estimated by Poisson regression. Of every thousand Brazilians, 695 do not practice LTPA or sports. Walking is the most practiced LTPA (98/1000), followed by soccer (68/1000) and weight training (45/1000). For poor and black men, the most frequent LTPA was soccer, and, for women, gymnastics and walking. The prevalence of weight training and gymnastics was higher for white people compared with black people. All LTPA practices were more prevalent in individuals with higher income, except for soccer. Running on a treadmill and weight training had, respectively, 24.7 and 6.4 times higher prevalence in the richer quartile. The study allowed identifying the type of LTPA and sport reported as the most frequent by the Brazilian population according to age, sex, skin color, and income, detecting strong social disparities in these practices.

Many environmental pollutants are known to have disproportionate effects on Black, Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC) as well as communities of low-income and wealth. The reasons for these disproportionate effects are complex and involve hundreds of years of systematic oppression kept in place through structural racism and classism in the USA. Here we analyze the available literature and existing datasets to determine the extent to which disparities in exposure and harm exist for one of the most widespread pollutants in the world – pesticides. Our objective was to identify and discuss not only the historical injustices that have led to these disparities, but also the current laws, policies and regulatory practices that perpetuate them to this day with the ultimate goal of proposing achievable solutions. Disparities in exposures and harms from pesticides are widespread, impacting BIPOC and low-income communities in both rural and urban settings and occurring throughout the entire lifecycle of the pesticide from production to end-use. These disparities are being perpetuated by current laws and regulations through 1) a pesticide safety double standard, 2) inadequate worker protections, and 3) export of dangerous pesticides to developing countries. Racial, ethnic and income disparities are also maintained through policies and regulatory practices that 4) fail to implement environmental justice Executive Orders, 5) fail to account for unintended pesticide use or provide adequate training and support, 6) fail to effectively monitor and follow-up with vulnerable communities post-approval, and 7) fail to implement essential protections for children. Here we’ve identified federal laws, regulations, policies, and practices that allow for disparities in pesticide exposure and harm to remain entrenched in everyday life for environmental justice communities. This is not simply a pesticides issue, but a broader public health and civil rights issue. The true fix is to shift the USA to a more just system based on the Precautionary Principle to prevent harmful pollution exposure to everyone, regardless of skin tone or income. However, there are actions that can be taken within our existing framework in the short term to make our unjust regulatory system work better for everyone.

Background Cartagena, Colombia’s main port on the Caribbean Coast, reported an HIV incidence of 7.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2007 with 90.0% transmission by heterosexual contact and 70 identified as women with a stable partner. Studies across Colombia illustrate that HIV infection relates to social inequalities; most people with HIV live in poverty and have minimal access to health care, education, and secure jobs. The purpose of this article is to analyse the relationship between social inequalities, sexual tourism and HIV infection in Cartagena, Colombia. Methods Data come from a five-year participatory ethnography of HIV in Cartagena in the period 2004–2009, in which 96 citizens (30 of whom were living with HIV) participated in different data collection phases. Techniques included participant observation, in-depth interviews and thematic life histories. Out of this material, we selected three life histories of two women and a man living with HIV that are representative of the ways in which participants expressed how social inequalities make it virtually impossible to engage in safe sex practices. Results At stake is the exchange of condomless sex for goods within the widespread sexual tourism networks that promote an idealisation of dark-skinned men and women as better sexual performers. Our results illustrate the complex interplay of social inequalities based on class, skin colour, gender and sexual orientation. Furthermore, they suggest a synergistic effect between poverty, racialization, and gender inequalities in the historical maintenance of social dynamics for a fruitful growth of a sexual tourism industry that in turn increases vulnerability to HIV infection. Conclusions Although the convergence of social inequalities has been thoroughly reported in the literature on social studies of HIV vulnerability; distinctive dynamics are occurring in Cartagena, including a clear link between the contemporary globalised sexual tourism industries and a racialised social structure - both having historical roots in the colonial past-.

Studies have tested the claim that blacks are the last hired during periods of economic growth and the first fired in recessions by examining the movement of relative unemployment rates over the business cycle. Any conclusion drawn from this type of analysis must be viewed as tentative because cyclical movements in the underlying transitions into and out of unemployment are not examined. Using Current Population Survey data matched across adjacent months from 1989–2004, this article provides the first detailed examination of labor market transitions for prime-age black and white men to test the last hired, first fired hypothesis. Considerable evidence is presented that blacks are the first fired as the business cycle weakens. However, no evidence is found that blacks are the last hired. Instead, blacks appear to be initially hired from the ranks of the unemployed early in the business cycle and later are drawn from nonparticipation. The narrowing of the racial unemployment gap near the peak of the business cycle is driven by a reduction in the rate of job loss for blacks rather than increases in hiring.

Black and poor people are more frequently convicted of committing crimes. However, the specific role played by skin color and social class in convicting a person has yet to be clarified. This article aims to elucidate this issue by proposing that belonging to a lower social class facilitates the conviction of black targets and that this phenomenon is because information about social class dissimulates racial bias. Study 1 (N = 160) demonstrated that information about belonging to the lower classes increases agreement with a criminal suspect being sentenced to prison only when described as being black. Furthermore, Studies 2 (N = 170) and 3 (N = 174) show that the anti-prejudice norm inhibits discrimination against the black target when participants were asked to express individual racial prejudice, but not when they expressed cultural racial prejudice. Finally, Study 4 (N = 134) demonstrated that lower-class black targets were discriminated against to a greater degree when participants expressed either individual or cultural prejudice and showed that this occurs when racial and class anti-prejudice norms are salient. The results suggest that social class negatively affects judgments of black targets because judgment based on lower class mitigates the racist motivation of discrimination.

Estimate the prevalence of functional dentition among Brazilian adults using four different definitions and identify associated factors. A cross-sectional study was conducted involving 9564 Brazilian adults aged 35-44 years who participated in the 2010 National Oral Health Survey. Data collection involved oral examinations and the administration of questionnaires. The following definitions were used: 1-WHO Functional Dentition (FDWHO: ≥ 20 teeth present); 2-well-distributed teeth (WDT: ≥ 10 teeth in each arch); 3 -Functional dentition classified by esthetics and occlusion (FDClass5: dentitions that sequentially exhibit at least one tooth in each arch, at least 10 teeth in each arch, all maxillary and mandibular anterior teeth, three or four premolar posterior occluding pairs [POPs], and at least one molar POP bilaterally); 4-Functional dentition classified by esthetics, occlusion and periodontal status (FDClass6: corresponds to FDClass5 with the addition of periodontal status of all sextants in the oral cavity with, at most, shallow pockets and/or clinical attachment level of 5 mm (CPI ≤ 3 and/or CAL ≤ 1). The independent variables were individual factors (gender, self-declared skin color, schooling, monthly household income, age group, self-rated treatment need, dental pain, dental appointment in the previous 12 months and dental services) and contextual factors (Municipal Human Development Index [MHDI]), Gini coefficient, fluoridated water supply and oral health coverage). Multilevel mixed-effect Poisson regression analyses were performed. The prevalence of functional dentition based on the FDWHO, WDT, FDClass5 and FDClass6 definitions was 77.9%, 72.9%, 42.6% and 40.3%, respectively. Adults with ≥12 years of schooling and monthly household income from US$ 853 to 2557 had higher prevalence rates of FDWHO (PR: 1.41 and 1.10, respectively), WDT (PR: 1.58 and 1.14, respectively), FDClass5 (PR: 2.03 and 1.27, respectively) and FDClass6 (PR: 2.15 and 1.35, respectively). These values in the final models were adjusted for gender, self-declared skin color (FDClass5), age group, self-rated treatment need (FDWHO, FDClass5 and FDClass6), dental appointment in the previous 12 months (FDWHO and WDT), dental services (FDWHO and WDT) and contextual factors. A very high MHDI and presence of fluoridated water supply were associated with higher prevalence rates of the four outcomes. The incorporation of the criteria of new definitions of functional dentition led to a lower prevalence rate among Brazilian adults. Striking individual and contextual inequalities were identified with regard to the four definitions analyzed, which need to be addressed through inter-sector efforts.

This paper uses the content analysis method and theory of reproductive politics to explore how state-sponsored reproductive policy criminalizes reproductive rights and erodes sexual autonomy in Hillary Jordan's 2011 dystopian novel When She Woke. The novel depicts a future world in which abortion is criminalized and a genetic technology called \"melachroming\" is used by the federal government to violate the human rights of the main character, Hannah Payne. The fundamentalist interpretations of religion, coupled with political agenda and public policy, equate abortion with genocide, thus criminalizing the act and punishing women with a genetic alternation of skin color. These actions violate the rehabilitation rights of the convicted, denounce civil rights, and force the sentenced to the life of a social outcast. In the face of an unprecedented economic and reproductive crisis termed \"The Great Scourge\" in a near techno-future US, the state overturns the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling, which oppresses women like Hannah. Hannah faces retribution for her abortion in many ways: the genetic alteration of her skin color to be red, the live streaming of her captivity, the so-called Enlightenment Center's recreation of her abortion scene in the style of horror to serve as propaganda, the continuing menace of the Fist of Christ vigilante group, and the violation of privacy/security (in the name of public safety) through implantation of nano-transmitters in her body to monitor her movements. Jordan's depiction of the all-encompassing dehumanization of Hannah illustrates that women's bodies are political. The criminalization of abortion is a form of political performativity that interprets women's bodies as political anatomies. This study connects the novel's dystopia to current feminist scholarship and activism about political systems of surveillance, control, and imprisonment that enact state power upon the bodies of women. These patriarchal systems colonize women's bodies and wield immense power to reduce them to objects of sexual and political control.