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In recent years, China’s influence as the dominant importer of waste products has reshaped global waste trade through restrictive programs such as Operation Green Fence in 2013 and National Sword in 2017. These restrictions have greatly affected not only China’s import of waste products but also the international trade and global logistics of these products. China’s import restrictions in 2017 decreased the country’s import of waste plastic by 92% and used paper by 56%. It also increased the unit value of these two categories of waste by 27% and 13%, respectively, showing an improvement in the quality of imported waste. Most of these impacts originate from intensive margins. The restrictions diverted the flow of waste mostly to the low- and middle-income countries of the East Asian and Pacific regions along with Europe and Central Asia, as their imports increased by 161% and 266% for waste plastic and 101% and 77% for used paper, respectively. Compared with Operation Green Fence, the impact of the 2017 National Sword has been much higher, with shipping companies faced with a lack of products on backhaul routes and forced to change their longstanding practices.

Understanding public opinions about emerging tobacco products is important to inform future interventions and regulatory decisions. Heated tobacco products (HTPs) are an emerging tobacco product category promoted by the tobacco industry as a \"better alternative\" to combustible cigarettes. Philip Morris International's IQOS is leading the global HTP market and recently has been subject to important policy events, including the US Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) modified-risk tobacco product (MRTP) authorization (July 2020) and the US import ban (November 2021). Although limited in their legal implications outside the United States, these policy events have been quoted in global news outlets and Philip Morris International's promotional communications, showing how they may potentially impact global tobacco regulation. Given the impending return of IQOS to the US market, understanding how the policy events were received through social media discourse will provide valuable insights to inform global tobacco control policy. This study aims to examine HTP-related social media discourse around important policy events. We analyzed HTP-related posts on Twitter during the time period that included IQOS's MRTP authorization in the United States and the US import ban, examining personal testimonial, news/information, and direct marketing/retail tweets separately. We also examined how the tweets discussed health and policy. A total of 10,454 public English tweets (posted from June 2020 to December 2021) were collected using HTP-related keywords. We randomly sampled 2796 (26.7%) tweets and conducted a content analysis. We used pairwise co-occurrence analyses to evaluate connections across themes. Tweet volumes peaked around IQOS-related policy events. Among all tweets, personal testimonials were the most common (1613/2796, 57.7%), followed by news/information (862/2796, 30.8%) and direct marketing/retail (321/2796, 11%). Among personal testimonials, more tweets were positive (495/1613, 30.7%) than negative (372/1613, 23.1%), often comparing the health risks of HTPs with cigarettes (402/1613, 24.9%) or vaping products (252/1613, 15.6%). Approximately 10% (31/321) of the direct marketing/retail tweets promoted international delivery, suggesting cross-border promotion. More than a quarter of tweets (809/2796, 28.9%) discussed US and global policy, including misinterpretation about IQOS being a \"safer\" tobacco product after the US FDA's MRTP authorization. Neutral testimonials mentioning the IQOS brand (634/1613, 39.3%) and discussing policy (378/1613, 23.4%) showed the largest pairwise co-occurrence. Results suggest the need for careful communication about the meaning of MRTP authorizations and relative risks of tobacco products. Many tweets expressed HTP-favorable opinions referring to reduced health risks, even though the US FDA has denied marketing of the HTP with reduced risk claims. The popularity of social media as an information source with global reach poses unique challenges in health communication and health policies. While many countries restrict tobacco marketing via the web, our results suggest that retailers may circumvent such regulations by operating overseas.

Purpose In an effort to reduce ambiguity around customs clearance of items deemed pernicious to public morality and present lessons for customs administration, this research aims to explore ways to improve customs clearance for RealDolls. Furthermore, by suggesting specific ideas to improve the process, this research also aims to contribute to the future customs clearance of socially controversial and legally ambiguous items. Design/methodology/approach The authors have decided to review studies from ethical and legal perspectives to focus on the legislation and its enforcement issues. The literature review is designed to provide insights on how to incorporate legal and ethical reasoning in the customs clearance process for RealDolls. Supplementary interviews were also conducted with criminal lawyers and customs officials to obtain expert knowledge on domestic legislation and customs control against the sex toys industry. Findings As a result of the study, it is found that a complete ban on RealDoll infringes on individuals' right to pursue happiness guaranteed by the Constitution and in most cases, cannot be implemented without loopholes. Therefore, it is suggested that the import regulation on RealDolls should be changed to the negative list system, which selectively disapproves certain RealDolls based on a list of RealDolls previously denied clearance by either the Supreme Court or the Customs Clearance Screening Committee. In addition, to have sufficient ethical and legal grounds, it is necessary to expand research on RealDolls regulation and actively introduce the process of obtaining social consensus. Originality/value There has been little discussion on regulating RealDolls on the customs clearance level; no specific criterion exists except the public morality clause. This study is vital in that it reviews issues of RealDolls customs clearance from legal and ethical perspectives. Doing so also has a practical significance of providing implications for the customs policies regarding items deemed pernicious to public morality.

China’s waste plastic ban has sparked a discussion about how the global plastic waste trade (GPWT) will develop in the future. To answer this question, this article uses the link forecasting and QAP method to predict and analyze the possible development trend of the GPWT in the future. The research results show that GPWT has certain stability and sustainability; although plastic waste trade has narrowed under the ban, it still has the potential trend of reconnecting the same type of links. Specifically, from a regional perspective, the future trade of new plastic waste trade will be dominated by cross-regional trade. Plastic waste may continue to flow to countries in the Asian–Pacific, Middle East, and African regions, while European countries will strengthen the internal recycling and processing of plastic waste. From the perspective of the national income level, the establishment of the new relationship will show an evolutionary trend in which high-income countries are dominated and the scale of trade between non-high-income countries expands. In addition, the differences in the level of economic development, liner transport connectivity, and the proportion of mismanagement of plastic waste among countries has a positive effect on the establishment of a new relationship in the GPWT, while tariff rates have an inhibitory effect. In general, the GPWT will still exist in the future, which requires the international community to guide the GPWT to promote the recycling and reuse of plastic waste in a real sense and adjust the unreasonable trade model.

In this study, we investigate the effects of the ban on imports of plastic waste on local air quality in China. Using city-level daily ozone concentrations, we examine whether the pollution levels differ after the implementation of the import ban. The results demonstrate that the daily ozone concentration was reduced by 2.8% in treatment areas after the import ban. Additional analyses also suggest that the effect of the ban was larger during the later period and in coastal cities with ports while the effect of the ban might get weak in the long run. These findings highlight the effectiveness of policies that reduce the availability of inputs for pollutive activities.

Glyphosate, a widely used preplant herbicide in annual and perennial crops, was introduced to Sri Lanka in 1977. Its use has expanded since 2008 with the phase-out and ban in 2014 of paraquat. In December 2014, glyphosate use in Sri Lanka was regionally restricted. Crop protection and production in the country was severely affected in 2016 and 2017 due to the irrational decisions of the government of Sri Lanka (GoSL). Increased crop production costs due to the absence of effective and economically viable weed control techniques, low crop yields, loss of foreign exchange, and enhanced use of smuggled glyphosate products are the consequences of the glyphosate ban. The ban was imposed without a scientific basis because of sociopolitical pressure. A series of dialogues with the GoSL helped rescind the ban in 2018 for a period of 36 mo, but its use is limited to tea [Camellia sinensis (L.) Kuntz.] and rubber [Hevia brasiliensis (Willd. ex A. Juss.) Müll. Arg.]. In August 2019, the Cabinet of Ministers of the GoSL also decided to allow use of glyphosate to devitalize propagules in the floriculture industry (export oriented) and destroy coconut (Cocos nucifera L.) trees infected by Weligama coconut leaf wilt disease and sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum L.) infected by white leaf disease. However, glyphosate products with the co-formulant polyethoxylated tallow amine are still not permitted in Sri Lanka.

Analyzing the effects on Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries of recently proposed European Union (EU) and United States (US) carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAs) and bans on the import of non-deforestation-free products (DFPs), we ask: What share of LAC exports could be affected? What would be the consequences of the EU and US broadening these regulations to other commodities, or of other countries adopting similar regulations? How vulnerable are LAC countries, in terms of emissions intensity, deforestation risk, and export concentration risks? What policies could they adopt in response? Using data from the World Integrated Trade Solutions, we find that, as the region’s productive profile is agricultural rather than industrial, CBAs have a milder effect than DFPs. Less than 0.5% of LAC exports are exposed under the EU-CBA, compared to 17% under the EU-DFP and around 6% under the US-DFP. A broader EU-CBA would impact up to 14% of LAC country exports, while expanding the consequences of the EU-DFP would be marginal. The impact of other countries adopting CBA plans would also be small, because the EU and US are the main LAC export destinations. LAC products are vulnerable for several reasons, from having higher embedded emissions—and therefore costs—than European producers’, to having regional competitors with lower emissions intensity or deforestation risk, and lacking alternative export markets. The LAC private sector could adapt its strategies to accommodate these risks, and there is also room for public action.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of perceived food quality and consumer ethnocentrism and potential trade-offs between these two concepts in Russian consumers’ food purchase decisions after the implementation of the Russian import ban.Design/methodology/approachSurvey data were collected via in-person interviews in the City of Perm, which is one of the largest and most industrial cities in Russia. A double-bounded dichotomous-choice contingent valuation model is utilized to estimate willingness to pay (WTP) and to analyze factors that affect consumers’ choice.FindingsThe results suggest that most respondents do not consider domestically produced cheese as a risky product in terms of food safety but simply of lower quality than imported cheese. However, the average respondent’s WTP discount for domestic cheese compared to imported cheese is 8 percent, which is relatively small. This corresponds to participants’ opinion that buying domestic cheese is the right thing to do since it supports Russian farmers and producers. The results indicate further that with increasing education and income levels, individuals are less likely to prefer domestically produced cheese for either economic or quality reasons. This effect is stronger for the quality preference.Research limitations/implicationsThe results indicate that if the Russian government aims at expanding the domestic food market further, more attention needs to be paid to ensuring the quality of domestic food products in order to increase consumer acceptance and WTP.Originality/valueThis is the first study providing empirical evidence on Russian consumers’ attitudes and perceptions of domestically vs imported food products after the implementation of the Russian import ban, which can be considered as an external policy shock.

Since 2021, Russia has maintained a list of unfriendly countries. This list and the import ban list introduced in 2014 are some of the main economic sanctions Russia uses to influence trading partners. This paper attempts to quantify the effect of putting a trading partner on the list of unfriendly countries compared to the Russian import ban. The study uses the data on trade flows between Russia and its trading partners from the UN COMTRADE database for select agri-food products. Employing a gravity framework, we argue that countries added to the unfriendly list in 2022 often had already lost a significant part of exports due to the 2014 Russian import ban introduction. Thus, such countries did not experience significant change compared to the effects of the Russian import ban. Based on this conclusion, Russia has a limited capacity to apply such retaliatory measures to Western countries regarding agri-food trade. Our results also demonstrate that the presence of the import ban drives export flows of the studied products, while the GDP of the trading partner also plays an important role, albeit with a lower magnitude.

The Nigerian government uses food import prohibition as part of policies that seeks to protect existing domestic producers and reduce the country's dependence on imports. This paper argues that such policies have negative effects on net consumers of such products due to higher prices. With 70 percent of poor households' budget spent on food, and about 13 percent of the total budget devoted to products subject to import bans, poor households are vulnerable to such trade policies. Prices of some import prohibited food products are found to be higher than what they would be in the absence of such bans. The elimination of import bans is estimated to reduce national poverty rates by as much as 2.6 percentage points.